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LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 

PRINCETON,    N.    J. 


Purchased  by  the 
Mrs.  Robert  Lenox  Kennedy  Church   History  Fund. 


Dk'ision.yOi2^.\.  I  ZJ   / 
Seciion...\.^..:.!yS  -'    • 


A   HISTOEY 


OF 


THE    JEWISH    PEOPLE 


DURING  THE   BABYLONIAN,  PERSIAN, 
AND   GREEK  PERIODS 


BY 

CHARLES    FOSTER   KENT,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR    OF    BIBLICAL    LITERATURE    AND    HISTORY 

BROWN   UNIVERSITY  ,^- 

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WITH  MAPS  AND   CHART    ^^l^M^}^"^!^^ 


NEW   YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1899 


Copyright,  1899, 
By  Charles  Soribner's  Sons. 


Hniijtrsttg  Press: 

John  Wii>son  and  Son,  Cambridge,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

The  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.  by  the 
army  of  Nebuchadrezzar  marks  a  radical  turning-point 
in  the  life  of  the  people  of  Jehovah,  for  then  the  his- 
tory of  the  Hebrew  state  and  monarchy  ends,  and  Jew- 
ish history,  the  record  of  the  experiences,  not  of  a 
nation  but  of  the  scattered,  oppressed  remnants  of  the 
Jewish  race,  begins.  Henceforth,  not  Judeans  and 
Israelites,  but  Jews  and  Samaritans  are  the  chief  actors 
in  the  great  drama  which  the  biblical  writings  record. 
This  sharp  distinction  between  Hebrew  and  Jewish 
history  is  also  based  upon  the  fundamental  difference 
in  the  life,  thought,  and  religion  of  the  chosen  people 
before  and  after  the  great  catastrophe  of  586  b.  c.  The 
transformation  was  as  complete  as  it  was  sudden. 
There  was  really  little  in  common  between  the  care- 
less, self-confident  Hebrews  to  whom  Amos  and  Isaiah 
preached,  and  the  despondent,  sin-oppressed  Jews  to 
whom  Ezekiel  and  Haggai  addressed  their  stirring 
appeals. 

Until  within  comparatively  recent  times  the  four 
centuries  which  followed  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
have  ordinarily  been  regarded  as  the  least  important 
and  the  most  uninteresting  of  those  which  constitute 
the  background  of  the  Bible.  The  results  of  modern 
critical  study,  however,  have   revealed  their  supreme 


vi  PREFACE. 

importance.  To  the  student  of  the  Old  Testament  they 
are  of  the  deepest  interest,  for  they  witnessed  for  the 
first  time  the  popular  acceptance  of  the  principles 
enunciated  by  the  pre-exilic  prophets,  and  the  remark- 
able expansion  and  application  of  the  ceremonial  law. 
It  is  now  generally  accepted  that  more  than  half  of 
the  literature  of  the  Old  Testament  comes  from  this 
period,  when  the  leaders  of  the  Jewish  race  meditated 
and  wrote  rather  than  acted ;  while  probably  every 
book  of  that  ancient  library  was  either  written  then, 
or  else  edited  and  revised.  The  most  perplexing  prob- 
lems of  Bible  study  —  the  date  of  the  Psalms,  of  the 
Book  of  Job,  and  of  Isaiah  xl.  to  Ixvi.,  and  the  com- 
position of  the  Hexateuch  —  all  belong  to  this  age,  so 
that  a  familiarity  with  it  is  absolutely  essential  to  an 
understanding  of  the  literature  of  the  Old  Testament. 

It  was  also  the  age  which  selected  certain  writings 
from  the  common  literary  heritage  of  the  race  and 
declared  that  they  were  sacred  and  authoritative,  so 
that  before  165  B.  c.  the  canon  of  the  law  and  of  the 
prophets  was  practically  closed. 

For  the  New  Testament  scholar  these  centuries 
possess  equally  great  attractions,  since  in  them  the 
life  gradually  developed,  and  the  parties  arose  and 
the  ideas  gained  acceptance,  which  furnish  the  setting 
and  the  atmosphere  of  the  New  Testament  history  and 
teaching.  To  the  student  of  Christianity  they  are  of 
the  greatest  interest,  for  then  many  of  the  religious 
rites  and  usages  developed,  which,  adopted  with  but 
slight  modifications,  have  become  the  institutions  of 
the  Christian  Church. 


PREFACE.  Vll 

The  age  also  possesses  an  unequalled  importance  for 
the  study  of  comparative  religions,  since  then  Jehovah- 
ism  came  into  intimate  contact  with  and  was  more  or 
less  influenced  by  the  four  great  representative  religions 
of  the  past,  —  the  Assyro-Babylonian,  the  Egyptian,  the 
Persian,  and  the  Greek.  It  will  also  never  cease  to 
fascinate  and  hold  the  attention  of  the  general  student 
of  ancient  and  modern  history,  because  then  was  born 
and  developed  that  marvel  of  all  succeeding  ages  — 
Judaism. 

Modern  biblical  research  has  placed  a  wealth  of  new 
and  varied  materials  at  the  disposal  of  the  historian. 
The  task  of  reconstruction  is  peculiarly  difficult,  but  for 
that,  as  well  as  for  the  other  reasons  which  have  been 
suggested,  exceedingly  fascinating.  The  testimony  of 
the  new  sources  and  a  more  careful  study  of  the  old 
have  made  necessary  the  revision  of  many  conclusions 
long  regarded  as  established.  Fortunately  most  of 
the  changes  only  involve  questions  of  historical  fact, 
so  that  they  are  assured  of  a  dispassionate  and  fair 
consideration.  That  the  reader  may  be  in  possession 
of  the  data,  so  as  to  form  an  independent  judgment, 
full  references  to  the  sources  have  been  inserted  in 
the  text.  References  to  sections,  preceded  by  the 
Roman  numerals  I.  and  II.,  refer  respectively  to  the 
first  and  second  volumes  of  this  history,  which  treat 
the  period  before  the  exile. 

It  is  well  that  in  these  latter  days  we  are  learning  to 
be  content  at  times  with  a  mere  probability,  or  even 
with  leaving  a  doubtful  question  open,  since  our  histori- 
cal sources  often  do  not  furnish  us  with  the  basis  for 


Vlll  PREFACE. 

an  absolute  certainty.  If  "  probably  "  seems  a  man- 
nerism in  the  present  Tolume,  the  reason  is  obvious. 

While  many  of  the  conclusions  suggested  will  doubt- 
less be  modified  by  later  study,  it  has  been  a  constant 
source  of  encouragement  to  find  that  other  investi- 
gators in  this  and  foreign  countries,  working  independ- 
ently, have  arrived  at  the  same  results.  The  debt 
which  I  owe  to  them  is  partially  indicated  in  the  list  of 
books  of  reference  given  in  Appendix  III. 

It  has  also  been  my  privilege  to  profit  by  the  valu- 
able critical  suggestions  of  Professors  Frank  K.  San- 
ders, Ph.D.,  and  George  S.  Goodspeed,  Ph.D.,  and  by 
the  constant  collaboration  of  my  wife  and  sister. 


C.  F.  K. 


Brown  University, 

March  21,  1899. 


CONTENTS 


PART  I 

THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL  SOURCES  AND    LITERATURE   OF  THE 
PERIOD 

Sections  1-13,     Pages  3-16 

Section  1.  The  general  character  of  the  sources.  2.  Exilic 
chapters  of  the  Book  of  Jeremiah.  3.  EzekiePs  prophecies. 
4.  Exilic  additions  to  the  Book  of  Isaiah.  5.  Date  of  Isaiah 
xiii.  2  to  xiv.  23.  6.  Date  of  Isaiah  xl.  to  Iv.  7.  Unity  of 
Isaiah  xl.  to  Iv.  8.  Historical  background  of  these  chap- 
ters. 9.  Date  of  the  Book  of  Obadiah.  10.  Authorship  of* 
the  Book  of  Lamentations.  11.  Later  apocryphal  writings. 
12.  Josephus  and  the  Greek  historians.  13.  Babylonian 
inscriptions. 

II 

THE  DISPERSION  OF   THE  JEWS 

Sections  14-19.      Pages  17-22 

Section  14.  The  number  of  Jews  deported  in  597  b.  c.  15. 
At  the  later  deportations.  16.  The  numbers  left  behind  in 
Judah.  17.  Jewish  refugees  in  Egypt.  18.  The  number  of 
Jews  in  Egypt.     19.   Wide  dispersion  of  the  Jews. 


CONTENTS 


III 


THE   CILVRACTER  AND   CONDITION  OF  THE  JEWS   IN 
PAI-ESTINE  AND   EGYPT 

Sections  20-28.      Pages  23-33 

Section  20.  The  peasant  population  left  in  Judah.  21.  Their 
pitiable  condition.  22.  Intrusions  of  their  neighbors.  23. 
Their  religious  life.  24.  Attitude  of  the  Egyptians  toward 
the  Jewish  refugees.  25.  Foreign  colonists  at  Tahpanhes. 
26.  Evidence  that  Jews  for  a  time  resided  there.  27. 
Heathen  tendencies  of  the  refugees.  28.  Return  of  the 
refugees  to  Judah. 

IV 

THE  JEWISH  EXILES  IN  BABYLON 

Sections  29-37.      Pages  34-44 

Section  29.  The  superior  character  of  the  Jewish  exiles  in 
Babylon.  30.  Their  home  near  Babylon.  31.  Building  en- 
terprises and  policy  of  Xebuchadrezzar.  32.  Occupations  of 
the  exiles.  33.  Fortunes  of  the  Jews  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  exile.  34.  Organization  of  the  Jewish  colony.  35. 
Religious  dangers  and  doubts.  36.  Religious  life  of  the 
exiles.     37.    Sabbath,  synagogue,  and  prayer  service. 


PERSONALITY  AND   WORK  OF  THE   PRIEST-PROPHET 
EZEKIEL 

Sections  38-49.      Pages  45-58 

Section  38.  The  education  of  Ezekiel.  39.  His  character  and 
style.  40.  His  message  at  different  periods  of  his  work.  41. 
The  pastor  and  his  flock.  42.  Ezekiel's  dramatic  methods. 
43.  The  preacher  of  practical  righteousness.  44.  Dealing 
with  popular  errors.  45.  Interpretation  of  the  significance 
of  the  exile.  46.  Predictions  respecting  the  future  of  his 
race.  47.  His  program  for  the  restored  community.  48. 
Organization  of  the  new  hierarchy.  49.  Historical  impor- 
tance of  his  proposed  system. 


CONTENTS  XI 

VI 

THE  LITERARY  ACTIVITY  OF  THE   EXILE 

Sections  50-55.    Pages  59-65 

Section  50.  The  influences  which  instigated  the  Jewish  exiles 
to  write.  51.  Final  editing  of  the  Books  of  Judges,  Samuel, 
and  Kings.  52.  Book  of  Joshua.  53.  Preservation  of  the 
ancient  traditions  of  the  race.  54.  Development  of  different 
codes  of  law.     55.    Revision  of  older  prophecies  and  laws. 

VII 

THE  CLOSING  YEARS  OF  THE  BABYLONIAN  RULE 

Sections  56-67.     Pages  66-78 

Section  56.  The  character  of  Evil-Merodach  and  the  libera- 
tion of  Jehoiakin.  57.  Rule  of  Neriglissar.  58.  Elevation 
of  Nabonidus  to  the  Babylonian  throne.  59.  His  antiquarian 
interests.  60.  His  devotion  to  the  ancient  gods.  61.  His 
unpopularity  and  indifference  to  the  threatening  danger.  62. 
The  empire  of  the  Umman-Manda.  63.  Establishment  of 
the  Persian  empire  by  Cyrus.  64.  Policy  of  Cyrus.  65. 
His  conquests  in  Asia  Minor  and  the  East.  66.  Hopes  of 
the  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylon.  67.  Predictions  of  Babylon's 
overthrow. 

VIII 

THE  MESSAGE  OF  THE  GREAT  PROPHET  OF  THE  EXILE 

Sections  68-82.      Pages  79-92 

Section  68.  The  character  and  aim  of  the  great  prophet.  69. 
Proclamation  that  speedy  deliverance  is  certain.  70.  Jeho- 
vah's character  the  guarantee.  71.  Cyrus  his  agent  of  de- 
liverance. 72.  Israel  chosen  to  serve  Jehovah.  73.  Israel 
unequal  to  the  task.  74.  The  divine  ideal  and  the  sad  reality. 
75.  Significance  of  the  term  "servant  of  Jehovah."  76.  Its 
identity  with  "Messiah."  77.  Mission  of  the  perfect  servant 
of  Jehovah  to  Israel.  78.  His  universal  mission.  79.  His 
training  for  his  work.      80.    His  ultimate  victory  through 


Xll  CONTENTS 

service  and  suffering.  81.  The  propliet's  purpose  in  pre- 
senting the  portrait  of  the  ideal  servant.  82.  The  historical 
realization  of  the  ideal. 

IX 

THE  POLITICAL  AND  RELIGIOUS   SIGNIFICANCE  OF   THE 
BABYLONIAN  EXILE 

Sections  83-87.      Pages  93-98 

Section  83.  The  transition  from  the  monarchy  to  the  hierarchy. 
84.  Victory  of  the  principles  enunciated  by  the  prophets.  85. 
Truer  conception  of  Jehovah's  character  and  demands.  86. 
Recognition  of  Israel's  mission  to  the  world.  87.  Apprecia- 
tion of  the  importance  and  responsibility  of  the  individual. 


PART  II 

THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD  OF   JEWISH   HISTORY 


THE   HISTORICAL    SOURCES  AND   LITERATURE  OF  THE 
PERIOD 

•  Sections  88-107.     Pages  101-119 

Section  88,  The  point  of  view  of  the  author  of  Ezra-Nehe- 
miah.  89.  Date  of  the  chronicler.  90.  Aramaic  documents 
quoted  by  him  in  Ezra  iv.  to  vi.  91.  His  own  editorial 
work.  92.  His  conception  of  early  post-exilic  history.  93. 
Genealogical  list  in  Ezra  ii.  94.  Analysis  of  Ezra  vii.  95. 
Citations  from  the  Ezra  memoir.  96.  Original  form  of  the 
record  of  the  priestly  reformation.  97.  Quotations  from 
Nehemiah's  memoirs.  98.  Analysis  of  Nehemiah  xiii.  99. 
Prophecies  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  100.  Date  of  the 
Book  of  Malachi.  101.  Date  and  authorship  of  Isaiah  Ivi. 
to  Ixii.  102.  Historical  background  of  Isaiah  Ixiii  to  Ixiv. 
103.  Date  of  Isaiah  Ixv.  to  Ixvi.  and  xxiv.  to  xxvii.  104. 
Prophecy  of  Joel.  105.  Books  of  Ruth  and  Jonah.  106. 
Psalms  of  the  period.     107.   Extra-biblical  sources. 


CONTENTS  xiii 

II 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  BABYLON  AND  THE  POLICY  OF 
CYRUS 

Sectioks  108-113.     Pages  120-125 

Section  108.  The  capture  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus.  109.  His 
attitude  toward  his  new  subjects.  110.  General  permission 
granted  to  all  captives  to  return  to  their  homes.  111.  Decree 
authorizing  the  rebuilding  of  the  Jerusalem  temple.  112. 
Reasons  why  Cyrus  patronized  the  Jewish  sanctuary.  113. 
Effect  of  the  policy  of  Cyrus  upon  the  Jews. 

Ill 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE   JEWISH   COMMUNITY  IN 
PALESTINE 

Sections  114-123.     Pages  126-136 

Section  114.  The  origin  of  the  tradition  of  a  general  return  of 
exiles  from  Babylon.  115.  Reasons  why  the  exiles  remained 
in  Babylon.  116.  Condition  of  the  Jewish  colonies  in  the 
East.  117.  Testimony  of  the  census  in  Ezra  ii.  118.  Evi- 
dence of  its  late  date.  119.  Indications  that  there  was  no 
general  return  from  Babylon  about  537  b.  c.  120.  Return 
of  a  few.  121.  Personnel  of  the  Judean  community.  122. 
Its  gradual  growth.  123.  The  first  seventeen  years  of  in- 
activity and  discouragement. 

IV 

THE   REBUILDING  OF   THE  TEMPLE  AND  THE   SERMONS 
OF  HAGGAI 

Sections  124-131.      Pages  137-143 

Section  124.  The  conquest  of  Egypt  by  Cambyses.  125.  Revo- 
lutions in  the  Persian  empire.  126.  Beginning  of  the  activity 
of  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  127.  Effect  of  the  great  world- 
movements  upon  them.  128.  Upon  the  Judean  community. 
129.  Haggai's  first  appeal.  130.  Commencement  of  work 
upon  the  temple.  131.  Haggai's  address  at  the  laying  of 
its  foundation. 


xiY  CONTENTS 


THE  HOPES  AND  DISCOURAGEMENTS  OF  THE  TEMPLE- 
BUILDERS 

Sectioxs  132-140.      Pages  144-152 

Section  132.  The  contrasts  in  character  and  style  between 
Haggai  and  Zechariah.  133.  Zechariah's  messages  of  en- 
couragement. 134.  Reconsecration  of  the  temple  priests. 
135.  Symbolic  crowning  of  Zerubbabel  as  king.  136.  Fail- 
ure of  the  hopes  of  national  indei3endence.  137.  Inter- 
ference of  the  Persian  officials.  138.  Late  sermons  of 
Zechariah.  139.  Completion  of  the  temple.  140.  Its  his- 
torical importance. 

VI 

THE  SEVENTY  YEARS  OF   SILENCE   FOLLOWING  THE 
BUILDING  OF   THE   TEMPLE 

Sections  141-154.      Pages  153-166 

Section  141.  The  reaction  resulting  from  disappointed  hopes. 
142.  Organization  of  the  Persian  empire.  143.  Political 
events  outside  Judah.  144.  Character  and  rule  of  Arta- 
xerxes  I.  145.  Conditions  w^ithin  the  Judean  community. 
146.  Relations  between  the  Jews  and  Samaritans.  147. 
Edomite  and  Arabian  encroachments.  148.  Extent  of  the 
province  of  Judah.  149.  Reasons  why  no  attempt  had  been 
made  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  150.  Foes  within 
and  without  Judah.  151.  Neglect  of  the  temple  service. 
152.  Sceptical  tendencies  within  the  community.  153.  AflBli- 
ations  with  the  surrounding  nations.  154.  Fidelity  of  the 
party  of  the  righteous  in  the  face  of  discouragement  and 
persecution. 

VII 

THE   REBUILDING  OF  THE  WALLS   UNDER  NTIHEMIAH 
Sections  155-170.     Pages  167-181 

Section  155.  The  character  and  position  of  Nehemiah.  156. 
Date  of  his  activity.      157.    His  commission  to  rebuild  the 


CONTENTS  XV 

walls  of  Jerusalem.  158.  Obstacles  confronting  him  in 
Judah.  159.  His  appeal  to  the  community.  160.  His  plan 
of  operations.  161.  Attitude  of  the  hostile  neighbors  of  the 
Jews.  162.  Their  threatened  attack.  163.  Precautionary- 
measures  adopted  by  Nehemiah.  164.  Personal  threats 
against  him.  165.  Conspiracies  against  him  within  the  com- 
munity. 166.  Treasonable  charges  against  the  Jews.  167. 
Persian  decree  stopping  all  building  operations.  168.  Dura- 
tion of  Nehemiah's  stay  in  Judah.  169.  Repopulation  of 
Jerusalem.     170.   Rededication  of  the  walls. 

VIII 

PRELIMINARY  REFORM  MEASURES 

Sections  171-183.     Pages  182-194 

Section  171.  The  need  of  social  and  religious  reform  within 
the  community.  172.  Nehemiah's  correction  of  the  evils  of 
exaction.  173.  His  relation  to  the  earlier  and  later  Jewish 
law.  174.  Danger  of  intermarriages  with  the  heathen.  175. 
Conservative  attitude  of  the  Jews  of  the  East.  176.  Nehe- 
miah's  earlier  and  later  position  on  the  subject.  177.  His 
measures  to  suppress  foreign  marriages.  178.  Importance 
of  his  reforms.  179.  Enforcing  the  observation  of  the  Sab- 
bath. 180.  Reforms  in  the  administration  of  the  finances 
of  the  temple.  181.  Historical  significance  of  Nehemiah's 
reforms.  182.  His  pioneer  work.  183.  Its  true  relation  to 
that  of  the  great  assembly. 

IX 

THE  DATE  AND   CHARACTER  OF  EZRA'S  EXPEDITION 
Sections  184-191.    Pages  195-204 

Section  184.  Nehemiah  and  the  Priestly  Code.  185.  Evidence 
that  Ezra's  expedition  was  not  before  432  b.  c.  186.  Evi- 
dence that  it  was  after  that  date.  187.  Possible  dates.  188. 
Evidence  that  it  was  in  398  b.  c.  189.  The  movement  which 
Ezra  represented.  190.  Numbers  and  equipment  of  his  ex- 
pedition.    191.    Its  arrival  in  Jerusalem. 


xvi  CONTENTS 

X 

THE  INSTITUTION  OF  THE  PRIESTLY  LAW 

Sections  192-203.    Pages  205-214 

Section  192.  The  preliminaries  of  reform.  193.  Public  pre- 
sentation of  the  new  law.     191.   Effect  of  its  interpretation. 

195.  Ezra's  attitude  on  the  question  of  foreign  marriages. 

196.  Expulsion  of  foreign  wives  from  the  community.  197. 
Calling  the  Great  Assembly.  198.  Action  of  the  Great  Assem- 
bly. 199.  Articles  which  were  adopted.  200.  Aim  and 
effect  of  the  new  regulations.  201.  The  Priestly  Code.  202. 
Evidence  of  later  additions  to  it.  203.  Reasons  why  it  was 
so  readily  adopted. 

XI 

THE   SAMARITAN  TEMPLE  ON  MOUNT  GERIZIM 

Sections  204-211.    Pages  215-223 

Section  204.  The  widening  of  the  gulf  between  the  Jews  and 
the  Samaritans.  205.  Missionary  work  of  the  Jews  in  Sama- 
ria and  Galilee.  206.  Earlier  relations  between  the  Jews 
and  Samaritans.  207.  Effect  of  Nehemiah's  influence.  208. 
Establishment  of  the  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim.  209.  Mis- 
leading testimony  of  Josephus  respecting  its  date.  210.  The 
more  probable  date  of  its  establishment.  211.  Priesthood 
and  ritual  of  the  Samaritans. 

XII 

THE  LAST  CENTURY  OF  PERSIAN  RULE 

Sections  212-226.    Pages  224-238 

Section  212.  The  joy  and  hopes  of  the  Jews  after  the  Great 
Assembly.  213.  Evidence  of  a  general  return  to  Judah.  214. 
Testimony  of  the  census  in  Ezra  ii.  215.  Extension  of  Jew- 
ish territory  to  the  northwest.  216.  Influence  of  "the  re- 
turned." 217.  Character  and  rule  of  Ochus.  218.  Rebellion 
of  the  S}Tians.  219.  Misfortunes  which  Josephus  states 
then  overtook  the  Jews.     220.    Testimony  of  other  historians. 


CONTENTS  xvii 

221.  Motives  which  influenced  the  Jews  to  join  the  rebellion 
against  Ochus.  222.  Consequences  of  their  folly.  223. 
Their  despondency  and  doubt.  224.  Pollution  of  the  temjDle 
and  desolation  of  Jerusalem.  225.  Problem  and  message  of 
the  Book  of  Job.     226.    Close  of  the  Persian  period. 

XIII 

THE  ORIGIN  AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  PRE-HELLENISTIC 
JUDAISM 

Sections  227-238.     Pages  239-251 

Section  227.  The  contrast  between  ancient  Hebrew  and  later 
Jewish  life.  228.  Influences  which  formed  Judaism.  229. 
Growth  of  the  authority  of  the  high  priest.  230.  His  civil 
and  religious  functions.  231.  Origin  of  the  priesthood. 
232.  Duties  and  requirements  of  the  priests.  233.  Origin 
and  duties  of  the  Levites.  234.  Duties  of  the  singers.  235. 
Temple  slaves.  236.  Work  of  the  scribes.  237.  Synagogues. 
238.   Life  under  the  Law. 


XIV 

THE  INNER  LIFE   AND  FAITH  OF  JUDAISM 

Sections  239-253.     Pages  252-267 

Section  239.  The  religious  privileges  and  responsibilities  of  the 
private  individual.  240.  Influence  upon  Judaism  of  the 
Egyptian  and  Babylonian  religions.  241.  Elements  common 
to  both  the  Jewish  and  Persian  religions.  242.  Persian  in- 
fluence in  the  development  of  the  belief  in  the  resurrection. 
243.  In  angels.  244.  In  a  personal  prince  of  evil.  245.  De- 
fects in  Judaism.  246.  Reactions  against  extreme  ceremo- 
nialism, 247.  Earlier  missionary  ideas.  248.  Admission 
of  foreigners.  249.  Growth  of  a  hostile  attitude  toward  the 
heathen  world.  250.  Message  of  the  Book  of  Jonah.  251. 
Jonah  a  type  of  narrow  Judaism.  252.  Teachings  of  the 
book.     253.    Inconsistencies  of  Judaism. 


xviii  CONTENTS 

PART   III 

THE   GREEK   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 


THE    HISTORICAL    SOURCES  AND  LITERATURE   OF  THE 
PERIOD 

Sections  254-264.     Pages  271-283 

Section  254.  The  extent  of  the  Greek  period.  255.  Work  of 
the  chronicler.  256.  Date  and  authorship  of  Zechariah  ix. 
to  xiv.  257.  Book  of  Esther.  258.  Book  of  Ecclesiastes. 
259.  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus.  260,  Apocalyptic  type  of  writ- 
ing, 261.  Date  and  authorship  of  the  Book  of  Daniel.  262. 
Book  of  Enoch.  263.  Historical  value  of  I.  and  II.  Macca- 
bees.    264.   Writings  of  Josephus  and  the  Greek  historians. 


II 

THE  CONQUESTS  OF  ALEXANDER  AND  THE   RULE  OF 
THE  PTOLEMIES   AND   SELEUCIDS 

Sections  265-280.     Pages  284-298 

Section  265.  Alexander's  conquest  of  Asia  Minor  and  S}Tia. 
266.  Attitude  of  the  Jews  toward  the  conqueror.  267.  His 
special  concessions  to  them.  268.  Palestine  under  the  rule 
of  Alexander.  269.  Founding  of  Alexandria.  270.  Per- 
manence of  Greek  rule  and  culture  in  Asia.  271.  Conquest 
of  Palestine  by  Ptolemy.  272.  Inducements  offered  by  him 
to  attract  the  Jews  to  Egypt.  273.  Contest  between  the 
Ptolemies  and  Seleucids  for  Palestine.  274.  Rule  of  the 
Ptolemies.  275.  Story  of  Joseph  the  tax-collector.  276. 
Decline  of  the  Ptolemies.  277.  Conquest  of  Palestine  by 
Antiochus  III.  278.  Special  privileges  granted  by  him  to 
the  Jews.  279.  Rule  of  the  Seleucids.  280.  Unsuccessful 
attempt  of  Seleucus  IV.  to  rob  the  temple. 


CONTENTS  xix 

III 

JEWISH  LIFE   IN  EGYPT  AND  PALESTINE 

Sectioxs  281-291.     Pages  299-310 

Section  281.  The  second  dispersion  of  the  Jewish  race.  282. 
Hellenistic  Greek  the  language  of  the  Jews  in  Egypt.  283. 
Translation  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures  into  Greek.  284.  At- 
tacks upon  the  Jews  in  Egypt.  285.  Jewish  apologetic  liter- 
ature. 286.  The  Jewish  high  priests.  287.  Character  and 
work  of  Simon  the  Just.  288.  Social  organization  of  the 
Jewish  community.  289.  Different  professions.  290.  Evils 
within  the  community.     291.    Jewish  home  life. 

IV 

DIFFEEENT  CURRENTS   OF  JEWISH  THOUGHT 
Sections  292-300.     Pages  311-322 

Section  292.  The  narrow  nationalistic  party.  293.  Ritualistic 
party.  294.  Orthodox  wisdom  school  represented  by  the 
son  of  Sirach.  295.  Fusion  of  the  wise  man  and  scribe. 
296.  Standards  and  ideals  of  the  son  of  Sirach.  297.  Scep- 
tical wisdom  school.  298.  Beliefs  and  doubts  of  the  author 
of  Ecclesiastes.  299.  Influx  of  Greek  customs  and  ideas  into 
Palestine.     300.    Hellenizing  Jewish  party. 


THE  SUPREME   CRISIS  OF  JUDAISM 

Sections  301-307.     Pages  323-330 

Section  301.  The  character  and  ambitions  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes.  302.  Results  of  the  Hellenizing  tendencies  within 
Judaism.  303.  Unprincipled  acts  of  the  high  priest,  Mene- 
laus.  304.  Plunder  of  the  temple  by  Antiochus.  305.  His 
attempt  to  Hellenize  the  Jews.  306.  Measures  intended  to 
stamp  out  Judaism.     307.    Jewish  traitors  and  martyrs. 


XX  CONTENTS 

VI 

THE   GREAT  VICTORY   OF  JUDAISM 

Sections  308-317.     Pages  331-340 

Section  308.  The  messages  of  encouragement  in  the  Book  of 
Daniel.  309.  Visions  of  coming  deliverance  for  the  faithful. 
310.  Potent  influence  of  these  prophecies.  311.  Message  of 
Enoch  Ixxxiii.  to  xc.  312.  Revolt  of  Mattathias  and  his 
sons.  313.  Origin  and  aims  of  the  party  of  the  pious.  314. 
Jews  under  the  leadership  of  Judas.  315.  Their  organiza- 
tion and  early  victories.  316.  Battles  of  Emmaus  and  Beth- 
zur.     317.    Rededication  of  the  temple. 

Appendix  I.    The  Overthrow  of  Assyria 343-344 

Appendix  II.    The  Jerusalem  of  Nehemiah  ....  345-353 

Appendix  III.    The  Literature  upon  Jewish  History  .  354-359 

Books  o"  Reference 360-361 

References 362-368 

Index  of  Names  and  Subjects 371-376 

Index   of   References   to   Biblical  and   Extra- 
Biblical  Sources 377-380 


LIST  OF   MAPS 

Chronological  Chart Frontispiece 

The  Empires  of   Babylonia,  Persia,  and 

Alexander to  face  page  76 

The  Province  of  Judah       ......  to  face  page  158 

The  Jerusalem  of  NTehemiah       ....  to  face  page  172 


PART    I 

THE   BABYLONIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE   HISTORICAL    SOURCES   AND   LITERATURE   OF 
THE   PERIOD 

1.  During  the  dark  half  century,  which  followed  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c,  and  which  is 
known  as  the  period  of  the  Babylonian  exile,  Jewish 
historians  found  but  one  political  event  which  they 
deemed  worthy  of  recording.  The  second  Book  of 
Kings  closes  pathetically  with  a  short  note  telling  of 
the  release  of  the  Jewish  king  Jehoiakin  from  his  long 
confinement  in  Babylonian  prisons.  Their  silence  is 
all  the  more  significant  because  the  period  was  by  no 
means  one  of  literary  inactivity.  It  emphasizes  the 
fact  that  the  real  history  of  this  important  epoch  is 
not  the  record  of  external  events,  but  of  the  mighty 
struggles  and  transformations  going  on  within  the 
souls  of  the  Jewish  exiles,  who  were  scattered  through- 
out the  great  Babylonian  empire.  That  record  is 
found  in  no  connected  narrative,  but  must  be  recon- 
structed from  the  sermons  of  prophets  and  the  songs 
of  poets.  These,  however,  represent  the  testimony 
of  earnest,  inspired  men  who  themselves  saw  and  felt 
that  of  which  they  spoke,  so  that  during  the  Baby- 
lonian exile  the  inner  life  of  the  Jewish  people  is 
revealed  as  at  no  other  epoch  in  their  history. 

2.  During  the  fateful  years  which  intervene  between 
the  first  and  second  deportation,  Jeremiah  describes, 


4      THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTOKY 

in  the  twenty-fourth  chapter  of  his  prophecy,  the 
character  of  the  first  group  of  exiles  who  were  carried 
away  with  Jehoiakin,  while  chapter  xxix.  contains  a 
pastoral  letter  which  he  wrote  to  them  in  their  new 
home.  Chapter  xliv.  introduces  us,  through  the  stern 
preaching  of  the  aged  prophet,  to  the  exiles  in  Egypt, 
among  whom  he  spent  his  last  days.  The  section, 
1.  2  to  li.  58,  which  treats  of  the  destruction  of  Baby- 
lon, clearly  reflects  an  age  subsequent  to  that  in  which 
Jeremiah  lived  and  labored  and  is  therefore  an  impor- 
tant source  for  the  period  under  consideration.  The 
exiles  in  Babylon  to  whom  it  is  addressed  are  not 
urged  to  "  build  houses  and  dwell  in  them,"  as  they 
were  by  the  great  prophet  in  his  pastoral  letter  (xxix.)  ; 
but  instead  they  are  earnestly  exhorted  to  flee  with  all 
possible  haste  from  the  doomed  city  (L  8 ;  li.  6,  45). 
The  long  years  of  exile  predicted  by  Jeremiah  are 
nearing  a  close.  Babylon's  destroyers  are  already 
upon  the  northern  horizon  (1.  3,  9,  41) ;  in  fact,  the 
author  of  the  section  calls  them  by  name ;  they  are  the 
Medes  (li.  11),  and  at  their  head  is  Jehovah's  agent 
of  destruction.  This  leader  can  be  no  other  than 
Cyrus,  who  in  549  B.  c,  after  becoming  master  of  the 
Median  empire  (sect.  63),  entered  upon  that  career 
of  conquest  which  ended  a  decade  later,  as  the  prophet 
predicts,  in  the  capture  of  Babylon.  The  evident  ex- 
ultation witli  which  the  impending  overthrow  of  the 
mighty  city  is  proclaimed,  also  reflects  the  experiences 
of  one  who  had  himself  felt  the  pains  of  the  Babylonian 
exile,  rather  than  the  experiences  of  Jeremiah,  who  at 
the  final  destruction  of  Jerusalem  was  liberated  by  the 
conquerors  (xxxix.),  and  who  in  his  latest  breath  con- 
tinued to  declare  that  the  Babylonian  king  was  carry- 


THE  PROPHECIES  OF  EZEKIEL  5 

ing  out  Jehovah's  will  among  the  nations  (xliv.  30). 
The  many  passages  which  reveal  familiarity  with 
exilic  prophets,  and  the  style,  which  is  more  diffuse 
than  that  of  Jeremiah,  furnish  additional  evidence 
which  indicates  that  the  author  was  some  unknown 
prophet,  perhaps  a  disciple  of  Jeremiah,  writing  during 
the  period  following  549  and  preceding  539  b,  c.  The 
notice  in  li.  59-64  of  a  prophecy  written  by  Jeremiah 
concerning  the  evil  that  would  come  upon  Babylon, 
probably  gave  the  suggestion  to  the  later  editor  which 
led  him  to  place  these  chapters  in  their  present 
setting. 

3.  Ezekiel,  naturally  a  man  of  method,  and  writing 
in  the  calm  of  the  exile,  carefully  dated  most  of  his 
prophecies.  His  work  began  in  the  year  592  and  his 
latest  prophecy  is  dated  570  b.  c.  (i.  2;  xxix.  17). 
During  the  six  years  which  immediately  preceded  the 
final  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  his  energies  were 
chiefly  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  the  grave  moral 
and  political  dangers  which  imperilled  the  existence 
of  the  Judean  kingdom.  Chapters  i.  to  xxiv.  record 
this  activity  and  contain  only  chance  suggestions  con- 
cerning the  thought  and  conditions  of  the  exiles  who 
shared  the  captivity  with  him.  Chapters  xxv.  to  xxxii. 
consist  of  foreign  prophecies,  written  for  the  most  part 
contemporaneously  with  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.  As 
soon  as  the  Jewish  sanctuary  lay  in  ruins,  Ezekiel 
turned  his  entire  attention  to  the  exiles  in  Babylon, 
in  whom  he  recognized  the  preservers  of  the  best 
religious  life  of  his  race.  The  remainder  of  his  book 
(xxxiii.  to  xlviii.),  written  between  the  years  585  and 
572  B.  c,  is  the  monument  of  his  devotion  to  them. 
Chapters  xxxiii.  to  xxxix.  constitute  the  best  extant 


6      THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF   JEWISH   HISTORY 

historical  source  for  the  earlier  half  of  the  exile ; 
while  xl.  to  xlviii.  contain  Ezekiel's  program  for  the 
restored  Jewish  state,  which  lie  predicted  would 
ultimately  be  reestablished  in  the  land  of  Canaan  with 
Jerusalem  as  its  centre. 

4.  Certain  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah  reflect,  not 
the  problems  and  storms  of  Assyrian  invasion  which 
agitated  the  people  of  Judah,  to  whom  Isaiah,  the 
son  of  Amoz,  addressed  his  stirring  sermons,  but  in- 
stead the  totally  changed  conditions  amidst  which,  two 
centuries  later,  the  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylon  moved. 
When  one  recalls  the  tendency,  so  strong  in  later 
circles,  to  assign  all  anonymous  pieces  of  literature 
to  some  earlier  writer,  who  figured  as  the  chief  repre- 
sentative of  the  department  of  thought  to  which  he 
belonged,  the  inference  that  the  Book  of  Isaiah  con- 
tains prophecies  from  other  and  later  hands,  causes 
no  surprise.  The  same  habits  of  editorship,  which, 
in  an  age  when  the  modern  historical  and  literary 
methods  of  determining  date  and  authorship  were 
unknown,  assigned  all  ancient  Hebrew  proverbs  and 
many  very  late  books,  like  Ecclesiastes  and  the 
Wisdom  of  Solomon,  to  Solomon,  the  majority  of  the 
Psalms  to  David,  many  apocalyptic  writings  to  Enocli, 
and  all  the  laws  to  Moses,  most  naturally  influenced 
later  editors  to  attribute  certain  anonymous  prophecies 
to  the  prince  of  prophets.  The  author  of  the  Gospel 
of  Mark,  in  the  opening  of  his  narrative  (i.  2),  illus- 
trates the  same  tendency  when  he  introduces  a  quota- 
tion, the  first  part  of  which  comes  from  the  Book  of 
Malachi  (iii.))  with  the  words  "even  as  it  is  written 
in  Isaiah,  the  prophet."  No  thoughtful  student  can 
fail  to  recognize  a  providential  influence  in  this  harm- 


EXILIC   SECTIONS   IN  THE  BOOK  OF  ISAIAH  7 

less  custom,  which  preserved  many  a  priceless  literary 
treasure  from  the  oblivion  which  otherwise  threatened 
to  engulf  it ;  for  the  succeeding  ages  were  prone  to 
give  more  attention  to  the  name  associated  with  a 
given  writing  than  to  the  eternal  message  which  it 
contained. 

5.  Even  a  cursory  reading  of  the  section,  Isaiah 
xiii,  2  to  xiv.  23,  furnishes  conclusive  evidence  that 
its  historical  background  is  the  Babylonian  exile. 
Already  Babylon,  which  in  the  days  of  Isaiah  was, 
like  Judah,  a  vassal  state  subject  to  Nineveh,  has 
passed  the  zenith  of  its  power  and  is  declining.  The 
author  bids  his  fellow  exiles  unite  in  a  song  of  exulta- 
tion over  the  impending  destruction  of  this  harsh 
taskmaster,  wlio  has  so  long  oppressed  them  (xiv.  3- 
23)  ;  for  his  fall  means  for  them  restoration  to  their 
native  land  and  the  rebuilding  of  tlieir  destroyed 
temple.  The  agents  of  Babylon's  overthrow,  as  in 
Jeremiah  li.  11,  are  mentioned:  the  Medes,  who  in 
the  days  of  Isaiah,  the  son  of  Amoz,  were  known  only 
as  a  mountain  people  whose  territory  furnished  a 
favorite  field  for  Assyrian  conquest.  The  language 
and  religious  ideas  of  the  passage  also  present  far 
more  affinities  with  the  writings  of  exilic  prophets 
than  with  those  of  Isaiah.  Thus  the  evidence  be- 
comes cumulative  that  the  author  was  some  unknown 
prophet  living  not  long  before  the  capture  of  Babylon. 
The  absence  of  a  distinct  reference  to  Cyrus  suggests 
that  the  section  was  written  either  a  short  time  before 
or  not  long  after  549  b.  c,  when  the  Median  empire 
merged  into  the  Persian. 

6.  The  same  age  and  general  conditions  constitute 
the  background  of   the   sublime  message  of   comfort 


8    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

and  inspiration  contained  in  chapters  xl.  to  Iv.  of  the 
Book  of  Isaiah.  To  the  stirring  political  movements 
which  characterized  the  closing  years  of  Babylonian 
rule,  there  are  clear  and  repeated  references.  The 
deliverer,  who  in  Jehovah's  providence  is  to  restore 
the  Jewish  exiles  to  their  desolate  land  and  city,  is 
not  a  distant  people,  but  the  advancing  conqueror 
Cyrus,  Jehovah's  anointed,  toward  whom  the  eyes  of 
the  captives  were  eagerly  turning  (xli.  2  ;  xliv.  28  ;  xlv. 
1).  The  energies  of  the  prophet  are  not  devoted,  as 
were  those  of  Isaiah  ben  Amoz  two  centuries  before,  to 
directing  the  policy  of  Judah  in  right  channels,  nor 
to  correcting  moral  or  social  wrongs ;  but  instead  his 
aim  is  to  encourage  and  inspire  the  halting  exiles  to 
return,  and  to  offer  themselves  and  their  interests  in 
Babylon  to  the  noble  service  of  rebuilding  their  city 
and  temple,  when  once  the  opportunity  comes,  which 
he  sees  fast  approaching.  The  Messianic  ideals  are 
also  very  different.  The  condensed,  stately,  and 
abrupt  diction  of  the  earlier  prophet,  characterized  by 
its  peculiar  phrases,  is  exchanged  for  the  flowing, 
highly  developed,  closely  connected,  and  often  impas- 
sioned style  which  is  begotten  by  quiet  meditation  and 
study  rather  than  by  public  preaching.  Many  expres- 
sions peculiar  to  chapters  xl.  to  Iv.,  as  for  example 
''seize  his  right  hand,"  "call  by  name"  (xlv.  1,  3,  4; 
compare  Cyrus  Cyl.  12),  are  at  once  recognized  by 
the  student  of  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  literature  as 
characteristic  of  the  court  language  of  Babylon.  These 
water  marks,  as  well  as  the  vivid  historical  allusions, 
confirm  the  conclusion  that  the  prophet  was  personally 
acquainted  with  the  political  life  of  the  doomed  city. 
His  new  conception  of  Jehovah  and  of  the  divine  will 


DATE  AND  AUTHORSHIP  OF  ISAIAH  XL.  TO  LV.       9 

reveals  the  development  of  thought  during  the  two 
revolutionizing  centuries  which  intervene  between 
Isaiah  and  the  great  prophet,  who  proclaims  to  the 
exiles  in  Babylon  the  new  and  glorious  message  which 
Jehovah  has  revealed  to  his  waiting  heart. 

7.    Since    the  remaining  chapters  of  the   Book   of 
Isaiah  present  striking  variations  in  style,  thought,  and 
especially   in   the  historical    background   which   they 
reflect,  they  are  reserved  for  later  consideration ;  but, 
notwithstanding  the  occasional  evidence  of  the  work 
of  later  editors,  which  sometimes  obscures  the  original 
thought,  no  one  can  seriously  question  the  unity  of  the 
sections   xl.  to  Iv.     These  chapters   as   a  whole   are 
illuminated  by  the  same  fervid  spirit,  the  same  power- 
ful figures,  the   same  dramatic  power,  and  the  same 
breadth  of  vision,  elements  which  were  united  to  such 
a  remarkable  degree  in  the  productions  of  no  other 
Old  Testament  writer.     The  one  theme  also  is  restora- 
tion ;  and  running  through  all  is  the  new  and  marvellous 
conception  of  service,  which  makes  the  section  unique. 
The  same  themes  are  repeatedly  treated,  and  certain 
passages,  as  for  example  those  which  describe  the  ser- 
vant of  Jehovah,  constitute  distinct  units,  independent 
of   each   other,  and   only  loosely  connected  with   the 
general  context.     These  facts  suggest  that  the  whole, 
like   the  Book   of  Jeremiah,  is  made  up   of  smaller 
tracts  written  at  different  times  and  finally  combined 
by   the   prophet    himself,   or   possibly   by  one   of   his 

disciples. 

8.  In  the  collection  contained  in  chapters  xl.  to 
xlviii.,  Cyrus  is  the  central  figure,  and  the  fall  of 
Babylon  is  predicted  as  something  still  anticipated  in 
the  future.     The  critical  period  between  549  and  539 


10     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

B.  c.  is,  therefore,  established  as  the  background  of  the 
section.  In  chapters  xlix.  to  Iv.  attention  is  focused 
more  and  more  on  Jerusalem,  suggesting  that  the 
hour  was  near  at  hand,  if  it  had  not  already  arrived, 
when  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus  made  it  pos- 
sible for  the  Jews  to  turn  their  faces  toward  the 
sacred  city.  Certain  references  might  be  regarded  as 
evidence  that  when  the  author  wrote  he  already  stood 
on  the  soil  of  Canaan;  but  the  language  as  a  whole  is 
best  satisfied  by  the  hypothesis  that  he  was  still  in 
Babylon,  urging  his  reluctant  countrymen  to  improve 
the  opportunity  which  opened  to  them  and,  by  devot- 
ing themselves  loyally  and  unreservedly  to  the  arduous 
task  of  rebuilding  their  capital  city,  to  reap  the  bless- 
ings which  Jehovah  was  ready  to  bestow.  This  clarion 
call  to  duty  may,  it  is  true,  have  been  issued  at  any 
time  during  the  following  century,  while  the  struggling 
community  in  Canaan  longed  and  prayed  for  a  general 
return  of  their  race ;  but  the  superlative  exaltation  of 
its  language  and  thought  proclaims  it  to  be  from  the 
same  inspired  spirit  who  speaks  to  the  exiles  in  the 
preceding  chapters,  and  the  stirring  days  which  wit- 
nessed the  conquest  of  Babylon  by  Cyrus  furnish  the 
only  entirely  satisfactory  background. 

9.  The  pitiful  group  of  Jews  who  were  permitted 
by  the  Babylonians  to  remain  in  Judah  were  not  left 
without  spokesmen  to  voice  their  grief.  The  shortest 
and  saddest  of  the  prophetic  books  —  Obadiah — fixes 
our  attention  upon  conditions  in  Palestine.  Its  theme 
is  the  denunciation  of  the  conduct  of  Judah's  heredi- 
tary foes,  the  Edomites,  in  the  hour  of  Jerusalem's 
humiliation.  Tlie  hostility  between  these  rival  Semitic 
peoples  extended  through  many  centuries,  and  its  de- 


AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  BOOK  OF  LAMENTATIONS   11 

tails  are  frequently  veiled  in  such  obscurity  that  it  is 
impossible  to  determine  with  certainty  what  are  the 
exact  events  to  which  the  prophet  alludes.  The  close 
parallel  in  language  as  well  as  thought,  between  Jere- 
miah xlix.  7-22,  and  Obadiah  1-7,  indicates  that  one 
is  quoted  from  the  other,  or  both  from  a  common 
source.  The  prophecy  may  have  been  finally  edited 
during  the  Persian  period,  but  on  the  whole  the  testi- 
mony of  the  varied  evidence  is  that  the  author  of  the 
Book  of  Obadiah  incorporated  the  words  of  an  earlier 
prophet,  and  wrote  during  the  opening  years  of  the 
exile,  referring  to  wrongs  which  perhaps  he  himself 
witnessed. 

10.  Another  remarkably  vivid  picture  of  the  scenes 
attendant  upon  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the 
feelings  with  which  the  scattered  exiles  regarded  those 
events,  is  preserved  in  the  Book  of  Lamentations. 
From  the  third  or  fourth  century  b.  c.  comes  a  tradi- 
tion, adopted  by  the  translators  of  the  Septuagint,  that 
Jeremiah  wrote  these  elegies.  The  element  of  prophecy 
which  runs  through  the  book,  the  elegiac  tone  and 
certain  expressions  which  characterize  it,  recall  many 
passages  in  the  sermons  of  that  prophet.  That  he  sur- 
vived the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  is  well  known,  and, 
therefore,  no  one  can  assert  absolutely  that  there  is  not 
a  basis  for  the  tradition  that  Jeremiah  was  the  author. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  alphabetical  arrangement  of  the 
verses  in  chapters  i.  to  iv.,  according  to  which  in  the 
Hebrew  eacli  succeeding  verse  (or,  as  in  the  case  of 
chapter  iii.,  each  group  of  three  verses)  begins  with  a 
succeeding  letter  of  the  alphabet,  reveals  an  artificiality 
which  is  the  antithesis  of  Jeremiah's  ordinary  style. 
Many  surprising  expressions,  foreign  to  his  prophecies, 


12    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

also  occur.  Frequently  the  point  of  view  is  not  that  of 
the  Jeremiah  whom  we  know,  but  of  the  people  whose 
errors  he  combated  (i.  21,  22;  ii.  9;  iv.  17,  20). 
In  the  light  of  Jeremiah  xxxi.  29,  30,  the  statement 
(v.  7)  that  "  our  fathers  have  sinned  and  are  not ;  and 
we  have  borne  their  iniquities  "  would  be  a  direct  con- 
tradiction to  one  of  the  prophet's  most  positive  doctrines. 
Certain  striking  analogies  with  Ezekiel's  sermons  sug- 
gest familiarity  with  his  utterances  (compare  ii.  14^, 
with  Ezek.  xiii.  and  xxii.  28 ;  ii.  4  with  Ezek.  xxiv.  16, 
21,  25).  In  chapter  v.  the  different  point  of  view,  as 
well  as  the  absence  of  the  alphabetical  arrangement, 
raises  the  additional  question  whether  one  or  several 
authors  are  represented  in  the  book.  Certainly  in  the 
closing  chapter  the  strong  hope  of  speedy  restoration, 
repeatedly  expressed  in  the  preceding  chapter,  is 
supplanted  by  the  wail,  "  Wherefore  dost  thou  forsake 
us  forever?"  (v.  20*^).  On  the  whole  the  conclusion 
most  in  accord  with  all  the  facts  is  that  the  book  con- 
sists of  two  or  more  originally  independent  sections, 
and  comes  from  certain  disciples  of  Jeremiah  or 
Ezekiel,  familiar  with  conditions  in  Palestine  during  the 
period  of  their  nation's  humiliation.  The  testimony  of 
the  book,  therefore,  like  that  of  most  of  the  sources 
for  the  period,  is  of  the  highest  value,  because  it  is 
practically  contemporaneous  with  the  events  and  con- 
ditions which  it  records.  Several  psalms,  as,  for 
example,  the  forty-second  and  forty-third,  also  voice 
the  lamentations  of  faithful  souls  deprived  of  the 
enjoyment  of  their  land  and  sanctuary.  It  is  not 
impossible  that  they  come  from  the  period  of  the 
exile ;  but  the  absence  of  any  clear  historical  allu- 
sions   and    the    difficulty    in    establishing    their    date 


APOCRYPHAL  WRITINGS  13 

with  certainty  preclude  their  use  as  definite  historical 
sources. 

11.  Certain  other  biblical  and  apocryphal  writings, 
although  not  possessing  the  value  of  contemporary 
documents,  preserve  the  impressions  and  dim  memories 
of  succeeding  generations  respecting  the  period  under 
consideration.  Of  this  character  is  Psalm  cxxxvii., 
which  recalls  the  feelings  of  the  Jewish  exiles  beside 
the  canals  of  Babylon.  While  the  Book  of  Daniel  is 
commonly  recognized  as  a  literary  product  of  the  post- 
exilic  period  (see  sect.  261),  the  stories  preserved  in 
chapters  i.-vi.  are  suggestive  of  the  opportunities  and 
experiences  which  came  to  gifted  Jews  in  the  lands  of 
the  exile.  In  the  Greek  version  of  the  Book  of  Daniel 
are  also  incorporated  two  late  Jewish  tales  which  shed 
some  reflected  light  upon  the  conditions  of  the  Jews  in 
the  dispersion.  At  the  beginning  of  the  book  is  intro- 
duced the  ''  History  of  Susanna,"  which  relates  how  a 
beautiful  Jewess  of  Babylon,  betrayed  by  two  elders  of 
her  people,  was  rescued  from  an  unjust  death  by  the  in- 
spired wisdom  of  the  youthful  Daniel.  At  the  close  is 
found  in  the  Septuagint  the  fantastic  story  of  Bel  and 
the  Dragon,  which  tells  how  Daniel  exposed  the  decep- 
tions of  the  priests  of  Bel  and  slew  a  great  dragon 
which  had  become  an  object  of  popular  worship.  With 
the  name  of  Baruch,  Jeremiah's  faithful  scribe,  was  also 
associated  in  later  time  a  group  of  prayers,  confessions 
of  national  sin,  and  messages  of  consolation  for  the 
exiles,  which  are  preserved  in  the  apocryphal  Book  of 
Baruch.  The  work  is  clearly  of  composite  authorship, 
but  the  section  preserved  in  chapters  i.  15  to  iii.  8 
may  well  come  from  the  latter  part  of  the  Persian  or 
the  beginning  of  the  Greek  period,  and  reflects  the  atti- 


14    THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEAVISH  HISTORY 

tude  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine  and  of  the  dispersion 
toward  the  long  series  of  national  woes  which  was  in- 
augurated by  the  disaster  of  586  b.  c. 

12.  At  several  points  the  writings  of  Josephus,  the 
Jewish  historian,  supplement  the  biblical  sources. 
Born  in  Jerusalem  about  37  A.  D.,  possessed  of  a  good 
education,  identified  with  his  nation's  history,  and 
subsequently  patronized  by  the  Roman  emperors 
Vespasian  and  Titus,  he  received  a  rare  preparation  for 
the  literary  work  which  he  undertook.  Unfortunately 
he  wrote  as  a  partisan  Jew  and  not  as  an  impartial 
historian,  and,  therefore,  it  is  necessary  to  make  con- 
stant allowance  for  his  personal  point  of  view  and  for 
his  tendency  to  exaggerate  or  to  omit  facts  uncompli- 
mentary to  his  race.  In  his  three  great  works,  "  The 
Antiquities  of  the  Jews,"  "The  Jewish  War,"  and 
"  Against  Apion,"  he  has  preserved,  however,  a  mass  of 
valuable  facts,  no  longer  accessible  elsewhere.  For  the 
earlier  Hebrew  history  his  one  source  was  the  biblical 
narratives,  which  are  obscured  rather  than  elucidated 
by  his  treatment.  Respecting  the  period  of  the  exile, 
he  cites,  in  his  treatise  "  Against  Apion,"  from  earlier 
extra-biblical  historians.  Chief  among  these  authori- 
ties was  the  Babylonian  priest  Berosus,  Avho  lived  in 
the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  who  translated  a 
history  of  Babylonia  into  Greek.  As  a  rule  the  state- 
ments of  Berosus  have  been  substantiated  by  later  dis- 
coveries. The  same  cannot  be  said  of  the  Halicarnassan 
historian,  Herodotus,  at  least  when  he  treats  of  Oriental 
history,  nor  of  his  rival,  the  Persian  historian  Ctesias. 
Their  petty  jealousy  of  rival  historians,  their  credulity 
and  its  kindred  fault,  lack  of  accuracy,  make  it  neces- 
sary  constantly    to    test   their   statements.     Notwith 


BABYLONIAN  HISTORICAL  INSCRIPTIONS  15 

standing  these  grave  faults,  tliey  furnish  a  wealth  of 
valuable  facts  for  the  reconstruction  of  Babylonian  and 
Persian  history. 

13.  Fortunately  we  are  no  longer  wholly  dependent 
for  our  information  respecting  the  contemporary  his- 
tory upon  the  traditions  retailed  by  later  writers.  The 
kings  who  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  events  of  the 
period,  now  speak  to  us  directly  through  their  inscrip- 
tions. A  large  collection  has  been  discovered,  dating 
from  the  long  reign  of  Nebuchadrezzar.  With  almost 
no  exception,  they  all  tell  of  his  great  building  enter- 
prises; while  he  describes  these  in  great  detail,  he 
makes  only  general  reference  to  his  conquests.  The 
most  important  literary  monument  of  his  reign  is  the 
so-called  "  East  India  Inscription,"  consisting  of  ten 
columns,  which  introduces  us  to  the  inner  religious  life 
and  motives  of  the  great  ruler,  as  well  as  to  his  more 
important  achievements.  Several  short  building  in- 
scriptions have  also  been  found,  dating  from  the  reign 
of  Neriglissar,  which  in  spirit  and  character  closely 
resemble  those  of  Nebuchadrezzar.  The  reign  of 
Nabonidus,  the  last  king  of  Babylon,  is  illumined  by 
five  or  six  important  inscriptions,  which  revolutionize 
our  conception  of  the  period.  In  connection  with  the 
descriptions  of  his  archaeological  excavations  and  tem- 
ple repairs,  are  found  not  a  few  incidental  historical 
references  of  the  greatest  value.  His  coronation  in- 
scription, discovered  and  published  only  recently, 
throws  much  light  upon  the  events  preceding  and  con- 
nected with  his  accession.  The  so-called  "  Nabonidus- 
Cyrus  Annals"  also  give  a  condensed  account  of  the 
conquests  of  Cyrus  and  the  final  capture  of  Babylon. 
The  great  conqueror  himself  now  speaks  to  us,  through 


16     THE   BABYLONIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

a  historical  inscription  whicli  bears  his  name,  and  tells 
of  the  different  steps  Trhich  led  to  his  gaining  posses- 
sion of  the  powerful  city,  and  of  the  principles  which 
guided  him  in  his  treatment  of  the  conquered.  With 
the  aid  of  these  varied  sources  of  information,  it  is 
possible  to  reconstruct  a  definite  picture  of  the  con- 
ditions which  constituted  the  background  of  the  life 
and  thought  of  the  Jews  during  the  half  century 
when  their  intellectual  and  religious  life  centred  in 
Babylon. 


II 

THE   DISPERSION   OF   THE   JE^yS 

14.  Viewed  as  an  event  in  the  world's  history,  the 
exile  was  a  mere  incident  in  the  execution  of  the  policy 
which  the  Assyrians  and  their  successors,  the  Baby- 
lonians, adopted  in  their  treatment  of  all  nations  who 
refused  to  submit  to  their  rule.  While  the  vassal 
states  paid  regular  tribute,  they  were  allowed  to  retain 
their  own  integrity  and  political  organization.  If, 
however,  they  repeatedly  revolted,  their  permanent 
submission  was  insured  by  extinguishing  all  traces  of 
independent  national  life.  Deportation  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, and  recolonization  of  the  territory  by  subjects 
transported  from  other  parts  of  their  empire,  was  the 
drastic  method  which  the  conquerors  universally  em- 
ployed. Judah's  annihilation  was  the  more  complete, 
because  not  once,  but  three  times,  it  incurred  their 
dire  displeasure.  By  the  first  deportation,  which 
occurred  in  597  B.C.,  the  young  King  Jehoiakin,  his 
immediate  family,  the  nobles,  warriors,  and  skilled 
artisans  of  the  kingdom  were  transported  to  Babylon. 
According  to  the  account  in  II.  Kings  xxiv.  14-16, 
the  total  was  ten  thousand,  of  which  seven  thousand 
were  warriors,  one  thousand  artisans,  and  presumably 
the  remaining  two  thousand  nobles  and  officials  (com- 
pare Jer.  xxix.  2).     The  estimate,  of  course,  is  general, 

2 


18     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

and  makes  no  mention  of  the  women  and  children  who 
were  allowed  to  accompany  their  husbands  and  fathers, 
and  who  may  well  have  increased  the  numbers  to  thirty 
or  forty  thousand. 

15.  Eleven  years  later,  in  586  b.  c,  another  unsuc- 
cessful revolt  of  the  Judeans  led  the  Babylonians  to 
institute  still  more  extreme  measures.  Not  even  the 
common  mob  in  Jerusalem,  or  those  who  early  in  the 
siege  had  fled  to  the  camp  of  the  conqueror,  escaped 
deportation.  The  record  in  II.  Kings  xxv.  8-11, 
gives  no  detailed  statistics,  but  suggests  that  a  large 
proportion  of  those  captured  were  deported.  The 
author  of  Jeremiah  lii.  28,  29,  estimates  the  numbers 
carried  away  at  this  time  (reading  the  seventeenth  for 
the  seventh  year,  which  is  probably  a  scribal  error) 
from  the  villages  of  Judah,  at  three  thousand  and 
twenty-three  ;  while  those  deported  from  Jerusalem, 
which  was  captured  during  the  following  year,  number 
eight  hundred  and  thirty-tv/o,  giving  a  total  of  three 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty-five.  As  is  always 
the  case,  unless  distinctly  stated,  these  numbers,  which 
appear  to  bo  derived  from  an  exact  census,  refer  only 
to  the  men,  suggesting  that  the  total  number  carried 
away  to  Babylon  in  tlie  second  deportation  was  between 
twelve  and  fifteen  thousand.  From  the  narrative  in 
II.  Kings  and  from  Jeremiah  xl.  to  xliii.,  we  learn  that 
the  Babylonians  loft  behind  a  few  of  the  ruling  class 
who  had  remained  loyal,  and  the  poorer  inhabitants  that 
they  might  till  the  soil  and  prevent  the  land  from 
becoming  a  complete  desolation.  At  their  head  was 
placed  a  trusty  governor,  Gedaliah.  For  a  period  all 
went  well.  Then  through  the  treachery  of  a  neighbor- 
ing prince  he,  with  his  immediate  followers,  was  slain. 


THE  NUMBER  OF   JEWS   DEPORTED  19 

The  rest  of  the  Jewish  community  fled  to  Egypt.  It 
was  probably  to  avenge  this  deed  that  the  Babylonians 
again,  in  581  b.  c,  took  occasion  (as  recorded  in  Jeremiah 
lii.  30),  to  deport  seven  hundred  and  forty-five  more 
men,  or  in  all  about  two  thousand  five  hundred  souls. 
Accepting  these  figures  as  a  basis,  the  total  number 
carried  into  Babylon  in  connection  with  the  three  de- 
portations was  about  fifty  thousand.  Compared  with 
the  twenty-seven  thousand  two  hundred  and  ninety 
deported  according  to  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  from 
the  city  of  Samaria  at  the  time  of  its  final  fall  in  722 
B.  c.jthis  estimate  seems  reasonable.  Furthermore,  the 
sources  from  which  the  data  are  derived  were  probably 
written  within  a  generation  or  two  after  the  different 
deportations  took  place,  and,  therefore,  may  with  good 
reason  be  regarded  as  reliable.  The  natural  tendency 
on  the  part  of  a  patriotic  historian  would  be  to  minimize 
rather  than  to  exaggerate  numbers  in  a  narrative  so 
distasteful  to  him.  The  large  number  of  Jews,  found 
in  Babylon  and  the  East  during  the  succeeding  cen- 
turies, also  confirms  this  estimate. 

16.  The  Jews  deported  to  Babylon  represented,  how- 
ever, only  a  fraction  of  the  former  population  of  Judah, 
and  certainly  only  a  part  of  those  who  were  driven 
into  exile  by  the  repeated  disasters  which  overtook 
their  nation.  The  numbers  who  quickly  rallied  about 
the  standard  of  Gedaliah  after  the  deportation  in  586 
B.  c,  indicate  that  a  large  proportion,  if  not  a  majority 
of  the  Jewish  people  remained  in  and  about  Judah. 
"  We  are  many "  was  the  testimony  of  "  those  who 
inhabited  the  waste  places  in  the  land  of  Israel "  at 
this  time  (Ezek.  xxxiii.  24).  The  caves  to  the  south 
and  east  of  Judah,  which  had  proved  secure  hiding 


20     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

places  during  lesser  crises  in  the  history  of  the  Hebrew 
race,  doubtless  shielded  not  a  few  fugitives  until  the 
Babylonian  soldiers  withdrew.  From  Jeremiah  xl.  11, 
it  appears  that  some  found  a  temporary  asylum  in 
Moab,  Ammon,  Edom,  and  the  other  lands  encircling 
Canaan,  from  whence  they  returned  as  soon  as  a 
favorable  opportunity  offered.  The  fact  that  the 
Babylonians  did  not  deem  it  necessary  to  introduce 
colonists  from  other  parts  of  their  empire  is  in  itself 
evidence  that  great  numbers  of  the  Judeans  continued 
to  develop  the  resources  of  their  native  land. 

17.  In  view  of  the  close  political  and  commercial 
relations  which  had  long  existed  between  Egypt  and 
Judah,  it  was  most  natural  that  the  majority  of  those 
who  fled  from  before  the  Babylonians,  should  take 
refuge  in  the  land  of  the  Nile.  Hosea's  references  to 
Egypt  as  one  of  the  lands  of  the  exile  (ix.  6 ;  xi.  11) 
indicate  that  the  Israelites,  a  century  and  a  half  before, 
when  their  nation  was  destroyed  by  Assyria,  set  the 
example  which  their  southern  kinsmen  followed  in  very 
similar  circumstances.  Even  after  the  first  Jewish 
deportation,  Jeremiah  addressed  his  prophecy  to  them 
"  that  remain  in  this  land  (Judah)  and  to  them  that 
dwell  in  the  land  of  Egypt"  (xxiv.  8).  If,  as  this 
reference  plainly  indicates,  in  597  b.  c  ,  an  important 
part  of  the  Jewish  race,  as  well  as  many  descendants 
of  the  Northern  Israelites,  were  already  found  in  Egypt, 
their  numbers  must  have  been  later  greatly  increased. 
When  it  became  evident  that  Judah  was  doomed, 
patriots  who  believed  the  words  of  the  true  prophets 
recognized  that  they  could  serve  their  country  better 
by  going  for  a  time  into  voluntary  exile  in  Egypt  than 
by  remaining  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  tlie  Babylonians. 


THE  JEWISH  REFUGEES  IN  EGYPT  21 

The  strength  of  this  tendency  to  seek  refuge  in  Egypt 
was  clearly  illustrated  at  a  subsequent  date,  when, 
after  the  murder  of  Gedaliah,  his  followers  emigrated 
en  masse  to  the  land  of  the  Nile.  At  Tahpanhes,  on 
the  eastern  border  of  Egypt,  they  established  them- 
selves. Other  centres  of  Jewish  colonization  were 
Migdol,  also  a  border  town  (as  its  name  "  watch 
tower"  indicates),  about  twelve  miles  from  Pelusium, 
Noph,  which  is  identified  with  the  ancient  city  of 
Memphis  (compare  Ezek.  xxx.  13),  and  the  country 
of  Pathros,  which  is  probably  a  designation  of  the 
territory  of  southern  Egypt  (Jer.  xliv.  1  ;  Ezek.  xxx. 
13-18).  Thus  while  many  Jews  remained  on  the 
borders  of  Judah,  others  found  homes  in  the  southern- 
most province  of  the  new  land  of  their  adoption.  The 
reference  in  Ezckiel  xxx.  6  implies  that  they  were 
found  as  far  south  as  Syene,  on  the  island  Elephantine, 
in  the  Nile. 

18.  Unfortunately  there  are  no  definite  data  from 
which  to  determine  how  many  Jews  were  to  be  found 
in  Egypt  at  the  beginning  of  the  exile.  Jeremiah  xliv. 
15  speaks  of  them  as  constituting  a  "  great  assembly." 
When  one  recalls  how  accessible  from  Jerusalem  was 
the  land  of  the  Nile,  and  that  it  alone  offered  to  the 
refugees  a  friendly  asylum  beyond  the  pale  of  Baby- 
lonian influence,  the  conviction  deepens  that  about  the 
year  580  b.  c.  a  very  large  proportion,  if  not  a  majority, 
of  the  former  inhabitants  of  Judah  were  found  in 
Egypt.  For  more  than  a  decade  the  current  of  Jewish 
population  had  been  setting  in  that  direction,  power- 
fully accelerated  as  it  was  by  the  disintegrating  blows 
dealt  to  Judah  by  Babylon.  If  Jeremiali  had  not 
deemed  it  more  important  to  cast  his  fortunes  with 


22     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

his  countrymen  who  remained  behind,  than  with  the 
stronger  type  who  were  deported  to  Babylon,  a  most 
important  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  Jewish  race 
wonld  have  been  unrecorded.  As  it  was,  after  he 
died  the  Jews  in  Egypt  had  no  Ezekiel  or  prophet 
like  the  Babylonian  Isaiah,  so  that  we  are  dependent 
partially  upon  inference  in  reconstructing  the  proba- 
ble course  of  events ;  but  it  is  obvious  that  the  exiles 
in  Egypt  were  a  factor  which  can  no  longer  be  ignored 
in  the  study  of  the  history  of  the  Jewish  race  during 
the  Babylonian  exile,  and  especially  during  the  suc- 
ceeding period  of  reconstruction. 

19,  Ancient  Semitic  history  presents  many  ex- 
amples of  the  deportation  of  nations,  but  no  instance 
of  such  a  complete  and  widespread  dispersion  as  that 
which  v/as  the  sad  lot  of  the  race  of  shepherds  and 
agriculturists  who  inhabited  the  uplands  of  Canaan. 
Ezekiel  and  all  the  other  writers  of  the  period  declare 
that  "they  were  scattered  upon  all  the  face  of  the 
earth"  (Ezck.  xxxiv.  6;  xxxvi.  19).  Throughout  at 
least  the  world  dominated  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  from 
the  desert  of  Sahara  to  the  uplands  at  the  east  of  the 
Tigris,  were  to  be  found  colonies  of  Jews.  Three 
centres  of  Jewish  population,  however,  may  be  dis- 
tinguished :  the  first  was  Palestine  itself,  the  second 
was  Egypt,  and  the  third  Babylon.  The  character  of 
the  colonists  in  the  three  centres  and  the  conditions 
under  which  they  lived  were  so  radically  different  that 
each  must  be  studied  independently. 


Ill 


THE   CHARACTER   AND   CONDITIOX   OF    THE   JEWS   IX 
PALESTINE   AND   EGYPT 

20.   The    destructive    wrath  of   Babylon,  like    that 
of   Rome  six  and  a  half  centuries  later,  was  visited 
chiefly   upon    Jerusalem,   the    political   and   religious 
centre  of  the  Jewish  race.     As  a  result  it  became  a 
complete  desolation,  '*  the  haunt  of  jackals  "  (Lam.  v. 
18).     There  is  no  evidence  that  the  smaller  towns  of 
Judah  were  subjected  to  the  same  drastic  treatment. 
The  Jews  deported  to  Babylon  in  the  first  and  largest 
deportation  were  all  taken  from  Jerusalem.     Not  only 
did  the  comparative  insignificance  of  the  towns  protect 
them,  but  they  also  saved  themselves  by  surrendering 
to  the  conquerors  at  a  much  earlier  stage  of  the  war. 
According  to  the  largest  possible  estimate,  less  than 
five  thousand  men  were  deported  from   the   villages 
outside   Jerusalem.     The  references   in  Jeremiah   xl. 
indicate  that  many  of  them,  like  Mizpah  and  Netophah, 
survived,   although,   of   course,   their   population   was 
decimated  by  the  ravages  of  war  and  of  deportation. 
To  leave  behind  a  part  of  the  native  population  was  in 
perfect  harmony  with  the  v/ise  constructive  rule  and 
humane   spirit    of    Nebuchadrezzar.      His   ambitions, 
which  already   contemplated  the    conquest  of   Egypt, 
prompted  him  to  develop,  at  any  cost,  the  resources  of 


24    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Palestine,  that  his  army  might  have  the  necessary  base 
of  supplies  in  case  of  a  western  campaign.  This  fact 
explains  his  attempt  to  revive  the  Jewish  state  under 
Gedaliah,  even  after  Jerusalem  had  been  laid  in  ruins. 
Contemporary  writers,  as  well  as  the  facts  of  subse- 
quent history,  testify  that  only  the  poorer  and  more 
ignorant  were  left  behind  in  Palestine.  In  the  East 
the  peasants  are  always  the  ones  v»'ho  survive  repeated 
waves  of  conquest.  They  also  would  be  the  last  to 
revolt,  and  could  best  conserve  the  interests  of  Babylon. 
After  the  murder  of  Gedaliah,  the  conquerors  took  care 
that  there  should  be  no  leaders  among  the  remnant  in 
the  land.  Gradually,  however,  as  the  years  went  by, 
prominent  exiles  undoubtedly  found  their  way  back  to 
Judah  from  the  immediately  adjacent  countries,  like 
Edom,  Moab,  Amnion,  and  Egypt,  vrhere  they  had  found 
a  temporary  place  of  refuge,  just  as  earlier  they  rallied 
about  Gedaliah  (Jer.  xl.  7-12). 

21.  The  condition  of  those  who  clung  to  their  be- 
loved hills  was  anything  but  desirable.  The  loose  rule 
of  the  Babylonians  in  Palestine  was  in  itself  galling. 
The  poet  of  the  remnant  laments  that : 

Servants  rule  over  us  : 

There  is  none  to  deliver  us  out  of  their  hand,^ 

The  usual  wrongs  of  an  Oriental  provincial  govern- 
ment, injustice  and  extortion,  were  not  lacking  (Lam. 
V,  4).  Since  all  independent  political  organization  was 
denied  the  Jews  in  Palestine,  they  were  the  easy  prey 
of  the  robber  tribes  who  encircled  them.  The  pent-up 
hatred  of  generations  was  visited  upon  their  heads. 
Such  wails  as : 

1  Lam.  V.  8. 


HOSTILE  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  PEOPLES  OF  CANAAN  25 

We  get  our  bread  at  the  peril  of  our  lives, 
Because  of  the  sword  of  the  wilderness. 
Our  skin  is  hot  like  an  oven, 
Because  of  the  burning  heat  of  famine  ;  ^ 

or: 

They,  who  are  mine  enemies  without  cause, 
Have  chased  me  sore  like  a  bird,^ 

tell  the  story  of  wrong  and  helpless  suffering.    Others  : 

They  have  cut  off  my  life  in  the  dungeon, 
And  have  cast  a  stone  upon  me ;  ^ 

The  young  men  bare  the  mill, 

And  the  children  stumble  under  the  wood  * 

suggest  the  slavery  which  was  the  fate  of  many  at  the 
hands  of  their  pitiless  foes. 

22.  These  conditions,  which  continued  witli  little 
interruption  for  many  generations,  alone  explain  the 
bitter  imprecations  which  appear  on  almost  every  page 
of  the  prophecies  and  poems  of  the  period.  Ezekiel 
devoted  not  a  little  time  and  energy  to  denouncing  and 
to  pronouncing  woes  upon  the  hostile  nations,  who  at 
this  time  took  base  advantage  of  Judah's  humiliation 
and  weakness.  Inasmuch  as  the  Ammonites  said, 
"  Aha,  against  Jehovah's  sanctuary,  when  it  was  pro- 
faned ;  and  against  the  land  of  Israel,  when  it  was 
made  desolate  ;  and  against  the  house  of  Judah,  when 
they  w^ent  into  captivity,"  Jehovah  will  visit  upon  them 
all  the  horrors  of  conquest  (xxv.  3-7).  Against  Moab, 
Philistia,  and  Tyre,  he  directs  similar  predictions  of 
coming  vengeance.      There   is   no   suggestion   in   the 

1  Lam.  V.  9,  10.  ^  j^am.  iii.  53. 

2  Lam.  iii.  52.  *  Lam.  v.  13. 


26     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

exilic  prophecies  of  any  hostility  between  the  Judeans 
and  Samaritans;  in  fact,  as  in  the  passage  just  quoted, 
the  interests  of  the  descendants  of  the  ancient  Israelites 
and  of  the  Judeans  are  regarded  as  the  same,  and  the 
hope  of  a  union  of  the  two  branches  of  the  Hebrew 
race,  who  were  then  united  in  a  common  suffering,  finds 
frequent  expression.  Of  all  their  foes  the  Edomites 
are  reckoned  as  the  most  grievous  offenders  (Ezek. 
XXV.  13).  They  were  the  people  who  called  forth  the 
bitter  diatribe  associated  with  the  name  of  Obadiah. 
Their  treachery  at  the  time  of  Judah's  downfall,  their 
deeds  of  robbery,  and  their  "  delivery  into  slavery  of 
those  of  his  who  remain  in  the  day  of  distress,"  are 
the  crimes  for  which  they  shall  be  judged  (Ob.  11-14). 
Ezekiel's  words  in  xxxv.  10  indicate  that  immediately 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  state,  that  north- 
ward movement  of  the  Edomites  began  which  is 
referred  to  in  the  closing  verses  of  the  prophecy  of 
Obadiah,  and  which  ended  in  their  being  expelled  from 
their  original  home  by  the  Arabs,  and  in  their  seizing 
the  territory  of  southern  Judah  (Mai.  i.  5).  By  the 
end  of  the  Babylonian  exile,  they  appear  to  have  gained 
possession  of  the  south  country,  including  Hebron  and 
the  lowlands  to  the  west  (Zech.  vii.  7).  During  the 
succeeding  centuries,  they  continued  to  hold  the 
Jewish  territory  thus  acquired,  until  they  themselves 
were  conquered  by  John  Hyrcanus  about  130  b.  c.  It 
is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  these  hated  intruders 
always  figure  in  the  Jewish  mind  as  a  type  of  the  foes 
of  Jehovah,  and  as  the  enemies  of  all  truth.  This 
northern  movement  of  the  Edomites  in  turn  crowded 
out  the  clans  of  the  Calebites  and  Jerahmeelites,  who 
had   from   the    verv  earliest   times   intermarried   and 


RELIGIOUS  LIFE   OF    THE   PALESTINIAN  JEWS      27 

united  with  the  tribe  of  Jiidah  (T.  sect.  40).  Driven 
from  Hebron  and  the  south  country,  tliey  in  time  found 
liomes  in  and  about  Bethlehem  and  Kirjath-jearim 
(compare  I.  Chrs.  ii.  42-49  with  ii.  50-55).  As  before 
the  exile,  they  continued  to  affiliate  with  the  Jews,  and 
during  the  Persian  period  constituted  an  important  part 
of  the  revived  community  (Neh.  iii.  9).  In  time  they 
were  classified  as  regular  clans  of  the  tribe  of  Judah 
(L  Chrs.  ii.  ;  iv.  ;  Ex.  xxxi.  2 ;  xxxv.  30). 

23.   In  the  light  of  their  character  and  conditions, 
it  is  obvious  that  the  religious  life  of  the  Jews  who 
remained  in  Palestine  was  neither  vigorous  nor  of  an 
exalted  type.     In  a  prophecy,  dated  the  twelfth  year 
of   the   captivity    (585   b.  c),  and   directed   to   those 
"  who  inhabit  the  waste  places  in  the  land  of  Israel," 
Ezekiel  accuses  them  of  deeds  of  lust  and  bloodshed, 
and  of  returning  to  that  idolatry  which  always  possessed 
such  an  attraction  for  the  weak  and  ignorant  inhabi- 
tants of  Judah  (xxxiii.  25-27).     A  chance  reference 
in  Jeremiah  (xli.  5)  indicates  that  certain  of  the  ex- 
ternals of  the  worship  of  Jehovah  were  still  kept  up 
in  connection  with  the  site   of  the  ruined   sanctuary 
at  Jerusalem.     Not  only  from  Judah,  but  also  from 
the  old  Israelitish  cities  of  Shechem,  Shiloh,  and  Sama- 
ria, came  bands  of   faithful  pilgrims  to  lament  over 
the  fallen   temple   and  to  present  meat  offerings  and 
incense  on  the  rude  altar  which  they  raised  there  at 
least  as  early  as  the  fifth   year  after  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem.     If   this  was   permitted   so   soon  after 
the   overthrow    of   the   temple,  we    may   believe   that 
the  sacred  site  became,  in  succeeding  years,  more  and 
more  the  centre  of  the  religious  life  of  the  Palestinian 
Jews.     The   most   prominent   priests    of    the    temple 


28     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

were  carried  into  exile,  but  some  were  doubtless  left 
behind  ;  and  of  the  descendants  of  those  who  ministered 
at  the  old  shrines  abolished  by  Josiah,  there  must 
have  been  still  more.  For  the  most  part,  ignorant, 
disorganized,  bereft  of  leaders,  some  of  them  robbers 
and  outlaws  within  the  land  of  their  fathers,  constantly 
attacked  by  merciless  foes,  it  is  not  jDrobable  that  the 
Jews  in  Palestine  made  much  progress  in  the  knowl- 
edge of  Jehovah  and  of  his  will ;  instead,  the  doubts 
and  despair  voiced  by  one  of  their  poets,  constantly 
oppressed  them  (Lam.  v.  19-22).  The  real  develop- 
ment of  this  period  must  be  sought  among  their 
kinsmen  in  the  distant  exile.  From  them  came  the 
religious  impulses  which  were  destined  to  determine 
the  character  of  their  history.  The  Jews  in  Judah, 
however,  were  an  important  element  in  the  problem 
of  the  future  of  the  Jewish  race  ;  for  they  were  to 
furnish,  to  a  large  extent,  the  members  of  that  com- 
munity which  was  again  to  become  the  objective  centre 
of  Judaism. 

24.  Intellectually,  those  who  fled  to  Egypt  were 
superior  to  those  who  remained  in  Judah.  In  many 
ways  also  their  environment  was  more  agreeable.  Al- 
though tlie  motives  guiding  the  Egyptian  kings  in  their 
relations  with  the  Judeans  had  been  thoroughly  selfish, 
they  were  the  allies  and  patrons  of  tlie  fallen  people, 
and,  therefore,  under  obligations  to  give  them  a 
friendly  reception  and  to  concede  to  them  certain  privi- 
leges. Egyptians,  as  well  as  Judeans,  were  trembling 
in  the  presence  of  the  dread  foe,  Nebuchadrezzar.  In 
the  circumstances,  the  reigning  Pharaohs,  wlio  de- 
pended for  the  protection  of  their  state  more  upon 
foreign  mercenaries  than  native  warriors,  must   liave 


THE  JEWISH   COLONY  AT  TAHPANHES  29 

gladly  welcomed,  as  valuable  allies,  the  Jewish  refu- 
gees who  sought  a  home  on  their  exposed  eastern 
frontier.  The  majority  of  the  exiles  preferred  these 
positions  of  danger  because  here  they  were  nearest  to 
their  native  land,  and  because  they  regarded  their 
sojourn  in  Egypt  as  transient  (Jer.  xliv.  28).  For 
these  reasons  they  took  up  their  residence  in  the  fron- 
tier towns  of  Migdol,  Tahpanhes,  and  in  the  city  of 
Memphis,  which  was  not  far  distant  from  the  borders 
of  Judah.  Since  these  places  were  on  the  direct  line 
of  the  caravan  route  to  Palestine  and  the  East,  they 
would  be  in  constant  communication  with  their  kins- 
men, and  would  be  in  a  position  to  return  whenever 
conditions  were  favorable. 

25.  The  excavations  of  the  Egypt  Exploration  Fund 
at  Defenneh,  the  site  of  the  Daphnse  of  Herodotus  and 
of  the  Tahpanhes,  where  the  refugees  with  Jeremiah 
settled,  have  thrown  much  light  upon  the  environment 
of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  (see  Memoirs,  1886;  Tanis, 
Part  II.,  pages  47-96).  The  town  was  located  on  a 
sandy  desert  at  the  south  of  a  marshy  lake,  a  few 
miles  from  the  cultivated  Delta  on  the  west,  and  the 
Suez  Canal  on  the  east.  Past  it  ran  the  main  high- 
way to  Syria,  which  it  was  intended  to  guard.  The 
ruins  of  a  fort  built  by  Psamtik  I.,  the  founder  of  the 
town,  still  remain.  Herodotus  states  that  this  mon- 
arch stationed  guards  here  (ii.  30),  and  that,  until  late 
in  the  Persian  period,  it  was  manned  by  garrisons 
whose  duty  it  was  to  repel  Arabian  invasions.  The 
character  of  the  remains  confirms  the  testimony  of 
Herodotus  that  from  the  first  the  majority  of  the  popu- 
lation were  Greeks.  In  this  frontier  territory  Psamtik 
I.,  about  664  b.  c,  assigned  homes  to  the  Ionian  and 


30    THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

Carian  mercenaries  who  had  helped  liim  to  the  throne. 
Jeremiah  ii.  16  indicates  that,  in  the  daj'S  of  Necho, 
Tahpanhes  and  Noph  were  important  military  centres 
of  the  Egyptians,  and  also  suggests  that  Josiah  met 
and  was  defeated  on  the  plain  of  Megiddo  by  Greek 
mercenaries  in  the  employ  of  Necho.  Herodotus  de- 
clares that  Daphna3  became  at  an  early  date  a  base 
of  communication  between  Egypt  and  the  Greek  world 
(ii.  154).  By  virtue  of  its  location,  it  was  also  a 
meeting  place  for  eastern  and  western  civilizations. 
Here  Phoenicians,  Greeks,  Jews,  and  Egyptians  met 
on  common  ground.  Like  Port  Said  of  to-day,  its  life 
was  in  the  highest  degree  cosmopolitan.  Its  atmos- 
phere was,  therefore,  most  congenial  to  the  Jewish 
colonists.  There  they  lived  together  in  a  community 
by  themselves. 

26.  No  archaeological  remains  have  been  found  to 
recall  the  residence  of  the  Jews  at  Tahpanhes,  but  the 
marked  absence  of  art  treasures  coming  from  the 
reigns  of  Psamtik  II.  and  Hophra  (594-564  b.  c.)  is 
in  itself  indirect  evidence  that  the  Greek  population 
was  largely  supplanted  by  Jewish ;  for  the  Jewish  civ- 
ilization of  this  period  was  not  of  a  character  to  leave 
behind  permanent  monuments.  Strangely  enougli, 
however,  eastern  tradition  has  preserved  a  distant 
memory  of  Jewish  occupancy  in  the  name  which  is 
still  given  to  tlie  ruins  of  the  fort,  Kasr  el  Bint  el 
Yehudi,  "  The  Palace  of  the  Jew's  Daughter."  The 
excavations,  as  well  as  the  testimony  of  Herodotus, 
explain  the  significance  of  the  unusual  designation 
"  palace,"  for  the  fort  was  also  used  on  rare  occasions 
as  a  royal  residence.  ]\rany  wine  jars  with  the  seal- 
ings  of  Psamtik   II.,  Hophra,  and  Amasis  (Aahmes) 


THE  RELIGIOUS  LIFE   OE  THE  JEWS  IX  EGYPT     31 

have  been  found.  Conspicuous  among  the  ruins,  at  the 
northwest  of  this  military  residence  of  the  Pharaohs, 
was  the  great  open-air  platform  of  brickwork  referred 
to  in  Jeremiah  xliii.  8-10.  It  corresponded  to  the 
"mastaba"  found  in  connection  with  every  Egyptian 
house,  and  was  the  common  place  for  social  meeting 
and  recreation.  Hophras  successor,  Amasis,  repre- 
sented the  Egyptian  party  which  was  antagonistic  to 
foreign  civilization.  The  Greek  colonists  and  trade 
were  limited  to  Naukratis,  and  the  Greek  garrison 
was  deported  from  Daphnae.  Indeed,  this  city  suf- 
fered most  from  these  reactionary  measures.  It  was 
left  desolate  and  the  fort  garrisoned  by  Egyptians 
(Herod,  ii.  154,  179).  Thus,  at  least,  by  500  b.  c,  if 
they  had  not  already  returned  to  Judah,  the  Jewish 
colonists  must  have  been  forced  to  seek  homes  else- 
where. To  the  Jewish  colonists  located,  not  only  at 
Tahpanhes,  but  also  in  other  cities,  the  changed  atti- 
tude of  the  Egyptian  court  toward  foreigners  must 
have  proved  an  added  incentive  to  venture  a  return. 

27.  While  Jeremiah  recognized  the  intense  loyalty 
of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  to  their  native  land,  he  found  in 
their  religious  life  little  to  commend  and  much  to  at- 
tack. There  is  no  evidence  that  they  paid  homage  to 
the  gods  of  Egypt,  or  that  they  completely  abandoned 
the  worship  of  Jehovah  ;  but  under  the  influence  of  the 
polytheistic  atmosphere  in  which  they  found  them- 
selves, many  of  them  reverted  to  the  earlier  idolatry 
of  their  ancestors.  As  in  the  days  of  Manasseh,  in- 
cense rose  from  many  Jewish  altars  to  other  gods  than 
Jehovah.  The  worship  of  an  old  Semitic  goddess,  the 
Queen  of  heaven,  whom  the  Jerusalemites  venerated 
even  before  the  fall  of  their  city  (Jer.  vii.  18),  was  es- 


32     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

pecially  popular  with  the  \romen.  Herodotus  states 
(i.  131)  that  the  Persians  derived  the  worship  of  the 
Queen  of  heaven  from  the  Assj^rians  and  Arahs.  He 
identifies  her  with  the  Greek  goddess  of  love,  Aphro- 
dite. This  identification  is  confirmed  hy  the  fact 
tliat  the  Assyro-Babylonian  goddess  of  love,  Ishtar, 
is  called  in  the  Babylonian  prayers,  "  the  Ruler  of 
heaven."  The  reaction  of  the  Jews  against  the  refor- 
mation of  Josiah  and  the  law  of  Jehovah,  in  favor  of 
an  ancient  Semitic  goddess,  was  because  they  naively 
interpreted  the  misfortunes  which  had  overtaken  them 
as  evidence  of  Jehovah's  inferiority  to  the  old  gods  of 
Canaan.  In  reply  to  Jeremiah's  impassioned  remon- 
strances, they  stubbornly  asserted  that  prosperity  had 
come  to  tlieir  fathers  in  Judah,  when  they  had  served 
the  goddess  of  heaven,  and  misfortune  when  they  had 
ceased.  Jeremiah  could  only  meet  this  seemingly 
plausible  but  false  pliilosophy  of  history  by  a  counter- 
assertion  :  "  Your  apostasy  to  Jehovah  made  this 
national  judgment,  which  has  overtaken  you,  an  abso- 
lute necessity.  If  you  persist  in  neglecting  him,  only  a 
few  of  you  will  realize  the  fond  hope  of  your  life  and 
survive  to  return  to  Judah.  Time  will  prove  the  truth 
of  my  words.  When  you  see  the  reigning  Pharaoh, 
Hophra,  fall  into  the  power  of  his  rival,  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, recall  my  warnings  "  (Jer.  xliv.  15-30). 

28.  Whether  in  his  closing  years  the  untiring  minis- 
trations of  Jeremiah  extended  the  ranks  of  the  faith- 
ful few  who  listened  to  him,  is  not  stated.  Ezekiel,  in 
his  latest  prophecy,  which  is  dated  in  April,  570  b.  c, 
fixes  his  eyes,  not  on  the  Jews  about  liim,  but  upon 
those  in  Egypt.  Like  Jeremiah,  he  asserts  tliat 
Hophra  is  soon   to  fall    before    Nebuchadrezzar ;   but 


THE  LOYAL  JEWS   IN  EGYPT  33 

his  view  concerning  the  future  of  his  countrymen  in 
Egypt  is  much  more  hopeful :  ''  Egypt's  downfall  shall 
be  the  prelude  to  the  exaltation  of  the  Jews.  Then 
will  Jehovah  vindicate  his  promises  of  restoration,  and 
all  shall  recognize  him  as  the  supreme  ruler  of  the 
universe"  (Ezek.  xxix.  17-21).  It  is  a  noticeable 
fact  that  the  more  intimately  the  old  Hebrew  prophets 
knew  their  audiences,  the  more  they  found  to  denounce. 
The  majority  of  the  exiles,  whether  in  Babylon  or 
Egypt,  were  far  from  realizing  the  ideals  of  their  in- 
spired teachers.  The  weak,  the  ignorant,  and  the 
indifferent  were  sadly  in  the  majority.  Not  in  large 
numbers,  nor  all  at  once,  as  the  prophets  seem  some- 
times to  have  hoped  and  taught,  were  the  Jews  destined 
to  realize  the  divine  plan,  but  gradually,  as  the  few 
were  found  who  were  ready,  by  fidelity  and  sacrifice, 
to  co-operate  with  the  Eternal.  Jeremiah,  in  his  most 
despondent  moments,  never  doubted  that  from  the 
Jews  in  Egypt  a  few  such  immortals  would  come  forth 
and  participate  in  the  revival  of  their  national  life 
(Jer.  xliv.  14,  28). 


IV 

THE    JEWISH    EXILES    IN    BABYLON 

29.  All  the  Jewish  writers  of  the  period  emphasize 
the  fact  that  the  best  elements  in  their  race  were  to  be 
found  in  Babylon.  Jeremiah,  in  contrasting  those  who 
were  deported  in  597  b.  c.  with  those  w^ho  were  left 
behind,  likens  the  former  to  good  figs,  while  the  latter 
are  only  vile  and  worthless.  Ezekiel  found  many  imper- 
fections among  his  countrymen  in  Babylon,  but  he 
never  denied  their  superiority  to  the  remnant  in  the 
West.  This  superiority  was  a  result  of  the  policy  of 
the  Babylonians,  who  carefully  removed  all  the  more 
energetic  and  gifted  leaders  of  the  nation,  that  none 
might  be  left  behind  to  head  an  insurrection.  The  ten 
thousand  men  deported  in  597  B.  c.  represented  in 
number  two-thirds  of  all  the  Jewish  exiles  in  Babylon, 
and  certainly  more  than  that  proportion  of  the  total 
intelligence  and  moral  culture.  They  included  the 
leading  princes,  officials,  prophets,  priests,  warriors, 
and  artisans  of  the  kingdom  (II.  Kings  xxiv.  14-16  ; 
Jer.  xxix.  1).  With  them  went  their  families  and 
servants.  As  Ezekiel  states,  the  kernel  of  the  nation 
was  thus  transferred  from  Judah  to  Babylon  (xvii.  3-6, 
12-14).  The  prophet's  words  (see  especially  verse  5) 
imply  that  this  kernel  was  not  divided  and  planted  in 
three  or  four  widely  separated  spots,  as  in  the  case  of 


THE   HOME   OF  THE  JEWISH  EXILES  IN  BABYLON      35 

the  deportation  of  the  people  of  Samaria  in  722  B.  c. 
(11.  104)  ;  but  that  all  were  permitted  to  settle  in  the 
same  locality. 

30.  Babylon  is  always  indicated  as  the  goal  of  the 
deportation  ;  but  unfortunately  it  is  not  clear  whether 
the  city  or  the  province,  lying  between  the  two  great 
rivers,  is  intended,  since  both  bore  the  same  name.  A 
variety  of  evidence,  however,  throws  light  upon  this  im- 
portant question.  Ezekiel  describes  the  site  as  "  a  land 
of  traffic,  a  city  of  merchants,  a  fruitful  soil,  and  beside 
many  waters,"  where  the  colony  like  a  willow  was 
transplanted  (xvii.  5).  Psalm  cxxxvii.  1,  refers  to 
the  days  when  the  exiles  sat  by  the  rivers  or  canals  of 
Babylon.  Ezekiel  states  that  he  lived  among  the  exiles 
by  the  river  or  canal  Chebar  (i.  3).  All  these  refer- 
ences point  to  the  rich  fruitful  land,  intersected  by  canals 
and  plentifully  watered,  which  lies  to  the  south  and 
east  of  the  city  of  Babylon,  between  the  Euphrates  and 
the  Tigris.  We  are  not  surprised,  therefore,  that  the 
excavations  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Expedi- 
tion at  Nippur  (Series  A  :  Cuneiform  Texts,  vol.  ix.  28, 
33)  have  recently  uncovered  two  tablets,  dated  in  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  I.  (464-424  B.  c),  which  refer  to 
the  large  navigable  canal  Chebar  (Kabaru)  not  far  from 
Nippur.  To  the  east  of  the  great  city  of  Babylon,  in  a 
territory  closely  connected  with  it  by  canals,  Nebuchad- 
rezzar established  the  community  which  he  had 
transferred  from  the  barren  uplands  of  Judah. 

31.  The  purpose,  which  actuated  that  great  monarch 
in  all  his  public  acts,  was  not  to  destroy,  but  to  con- 
struct. His  inscriptions  reflect  nothing  of  the  barbar- 
ous love  of  war  which  is  so  prominent  in  those  of  the 
Assyrian  kings.     Repeatedly  he  declares,  in  all  genuine- 


36     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ness,  that  liis  aim  in  his  conquests  was  to  glorify  the 
name  of  his  gods,  and  to  secure  the  means  wherewith  he 
might  rebuild  and  adorn  their  temples  (East  India  In- 
scription ii.  11-29).  Building  was  his  master  passion. 
In  all  his  enterprises  he  succeeded.  Out  of  the  crum- 
bling remnants  of  the  Assyrian  Empire  he  created  a 
powerful  well-organized  state.  The  city  of  Babylon, 
which  for  generations  under  the  rule  of  its  rivals,  the 
Assyrians,  had  been  allowed  to  fall  into  political  decay, 
he  rebuilt  on  a  scale  far  surpassing  any  other  city  of 
antiquity.  Tlie  old  town  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Euphrates  was  enlarged  and  adorned  with  new  palaces 
and  temples  ;  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  a  nev/ 
quarter  was  added,  connected  with  the  old  by  strong 
bridges.  The  whole  city,  which,  like  Damascus  of 
to-day,  included  parks  and  fields  as  well  as  the  suburbs 
of  the  former  town,  was  encircled  by  a  huge  wall  many 
miles  in  circumference  and  of  incredible  height  and 
strength.  To  facilitate  the  vast  commerce,  which  was 
the  chief  industry  of  the  Babylonians,  Nebuchadrezzar 
built  commodious  quays  on  both  sides  of  the  Euphrates, 
and  restored  and  extended  the  great  system  of  canals 
which  intersected  the  low,  flat  territory  of  southern 
Babylonia.  As  in  Holland  to-day,  these  waterways 
were  also  utilized  for  irrigation,  so  that  the  productive- 
ness of  the  naturally  fertile  land  about  Babylon  was 
marvellously  increased.  Large  reservoirs  were  con- 
structed, in  which  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates  were 
stored  for  use  in  time  of  need.  Into  the  territory  thus 
developed,  colonists  from  all  parts  of  the  empire  were 
introduced ;  for  the  vast  building  enterprises  of 
Nebuchadrezzar  called  for  armies  of  workmen,  and  by 
these  forcible  means  alone  was  he  able  in  a  generation 


THE   CONDITION  OF  THE  JEWISH  EXILES  37 

to  make  the  dismantled  city  the  metropolis  of  the 
world.  The  recently  discovered  coronation  inscription 
of  Nabonidus,  in  a  passage  which  clearly  refers  to 
Nebuchadrezzar,  declares  that  "  the  god  called  him  to 
repopnlate  his  ruined  city,"  Babylon  (iii.  1).  Such  a 
huge  popuUition  as  centred  about  Babylon,  demanded 
a  correspondingly  large  food  supply,  and  the  Babylo- 
nians themselves  had  become  a  nation  of  traders  rather 
than  agriculturists ;  hence  it  is  easy  to  appreciate  the 
motives  which  prompted  the  great  organizer,  when  a 
good  opportunity  offered,  to  deport  large  bodies  of 
agriculturists  to  the  newly  developed  lands  near  his 
capital. 

32.  Economic  as  well  as  political  reasons,  undoubt- 
edly operated  in  determining  the  fall  of  the  Jewish 
people.  The  fact  that  their  deportation  was  not  merely 
a  judgment  explains  why  their  material  conditions 
were  on  the  whole  so  favorable.  The  term  '' captiv- 
ity "  does  not  describe  their  lot.  Two  of  their  kings, 
and,  perhaps,  some  of  the  leaders  in  their  rebellions 
against  Babylon,  were  kept  in  confinement,  but  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  were  first  deported  were 
almost  as  free  as  in  Canaan.  During  the  first  ten 
years  of  the  exile,  at  least,  they  continued  in  close 
communication  with  their  kinsmen  in  Judah.  In  a 
pastoral  letter  written  from  Jerusalem,  Jeremiah  ad- 
vised them  to  build  houses  and  dwell  in  them,  to  plant 
gardens,  and  eat  the  fruit  of  them,  to  take  wives  and 
rear  up  families,  that  their  numbers  might  increase 
rather  than  decrease  in  the  land  of  their  forced  adop- 
tion (xxix.  S,  6},  He  further  urged  them  to  avoid  all 
movements  toward  insurrection,  and  instead  to  iden- 
tify themselves  with  the  city  whither  they  had  been 


38     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

carried,  for  its  prosperity  and  their  own  were  insepa- 
rable. By  one  so  well  informed  respecting  the  life  of 
the  exiles  as  was  Jeremiah,  such  advice  would  not 
have  been  offered  unless  it  was  possible  for  his  readers 
to  have  followed  it.  A  homesickness,  which  frequently 
found  expression  (read,  for  example,  Pss.  xlii.-xliii. ; 
cxxxvii.),  filled  the  hearts  of  the  Jews  living  on  the 
level  plains  of  Babylonia,  as  they  thought  of  their  roll- 
ing hills,  their  picturesque  valleys,  their  rock-built 
capital,  and  above  all  their  sacred  temple;  but  those 
alluvial  plains  afforded  them  opportunities  for  the 
enjoyment  of  wealth  and  material  prosperity  un- 
dreamed of  in  Judah.  During  the  earlier  part  of  the 
Babylonian  exile,  most  of  the  Jews  followed  the  advice 
of  Jeremiah  and  "  planted  gardens,  and  ate  the  fruit 
of  them."  Nebuchadrezzar's  object  in  carrying  away 
the  artisans  to  Babylon,  was  doubtless  not  merely  to 
deprive  the  Judeans  of  resources  for  revolt,  but  also 
that  they  might  be  added  to  his  great  army  of  work- 
men. Certainly  in  their  new  homes  they  found  ample 
opportunity  to  practise  their  various  crafts.  The  old 
Hebrew  aversion  to  traffic,  which  finds  expression  in 
the  writings  of  certain  prophets  of  this  period,  prob- 
ably for  a  time  deterred  some  of  the  exiles  from 
becoming  merchants  ;  but  the  opportunities  and  advan- 
tages offered  in  their  new  home  to  those  who  engaged 
in  commerce  were  too  great  to  be  spurned  for  a  long 
time.  The  peculiar  genius  for  trade,  which  the  Jews 
have  manifested  ever  since,  was  probably  first  devel- 
oped amidst  the  favoring  conditions  which  surrounded 
them  in  the  land  of  the  two  rivers.  In  contract  tab- 
lets recently  found  at  Nippur,  and  dating  from  the 
earlier  part  of  the  Persian  period,  many  familiar  Old 


THE  OCCUPATIONS   OF  THE   JEWISH  EXILES        39 

Testament  names  occur,  showing  that  by  that  time  the 
Jews  had  been  drawn  into  the  streams  of  trade  which 
flowed  so  strongly  to  and  from  Babylon.  Since  they 
were  settled,  not  in  a  remote  province  of  the  empire, 
but  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  Babylonian  throne, 
it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that  some  of  the  abler 
men  among  the  exiles  found  employment  in  the  great 
army  of  officials  required  to  attend  to  public  affairs. 
Nehemiah  later  attained  to  a  position  of  influence  in 
the  Persian  court,  and  it  is  probable  that  other  Jews  did 
the  same  among  the  Babylonians  with  whom  they  were 
related  by  blood,  language,  and  ideas.  The  references 
to  the  liberation  and  exaltation  of  Jehoiakin  seem  to 
indicate  that  they  wei-e  placed  on  an  equality  with 
other  conquered  peoples  which  had  been  transported 
to  Babylon.  Although  the  familiar  stories  associated 
with  the  name  of  Daniel,  in  their  present  form,  are 
much  later,  they  at  least  favor  the  conclusion  that 
certain  public  positions  were  then  open  to  the  Jews. 

33.  Respecting  the  fate  of  the  later  groups  of  exiles, 
there  is  no  direct  evidence.  Their  offences  were  so 
much  more  heinous  in  the  eyes  of  the  conquerors  than 
those  of  the  Jews  deported  in  597  b.  c,  that  their 
leaders  were  put  to  death  (II.  Kings  xxv.  19-21). 
From  this  fact  it  may  be  inferred  that  slavery  was  the 
price  with  which  many  of  the  survivors  redeemed  their 
lives.  Ezekiel,  commenting  in  585  b.  c.  upon  the  fate 
of  the  scattered  people,  declares  that  the  day  is  coming 
when  Jehovah  will  break  the  bars  of  their  yoke  and 
deliver  them  out  of  the  hand  of  those  who  have  made 
bondsmen  of  them  (xxxiv.  27).  It  is  significant  that 
while  the  references  to  forced  labor  and  persecution  are 
rare  in  the  literature  of  the  first  part,  they  become  very 


40     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

common  in  that  of  the  latter  part  of  the  Babylonian 
exile.  The  author  of  Isaiah  xiv.  assm-es  his  race  that 
''It  shall  come  to  pass  in  the  day  that  the  Lord  shall 
give  rest  from  your  labor,  and  from  your  trouble,  and 
from  the  hard  service  which  men  laid  upon  you,  that 
you  shall  take  up  this  taunt-song  against  the  king  of 
Babylon,  and  say  :  '  How  is  the  oppressor  stilled  —  the 
raging  stilled  ! '  "  (verses  3  and  4).  The  great  prophet 
of  the  exile  condemns  the  Babylonians  because  they 
"  showed  no  compassion  ;  upon  the  aged  they  made  their 
yoke  very  heavy  "  (Isa.  xlvii.  6).  Although  the  language 
is  highly  poetical,  there  must  have  been  a  painful  basis 
of  fact  in  his  pictures  of  the  woes  experienced  by  his 
race  under  the  degenerate  rule  of  Nebuchadrezzar's 
successors  :  "  It  is  a  people  robbed  and  plundered ; 
snared  are  all  of  them  in  holes  and  hid  in  prison 
houses ;  they  are  become  a  prey,  and  there  is  none  to 
rescue ;  a  spoil,  and  none  who  says,  Restore "  (Isa. 
xlii.  22). 

34.  While  some  of  their  number  became  the  object 
of  Babylonian  oppression,  the  lot  of  most  of  the  Jews 
in  the  East  was  far  better  than  that  of  the  ordinary 
exile  forced  to  live  alone  among  strangers,  for  they 
were  citizens  of  the  little  Jewish  state  which  Nebuchad- 
rezzar established  within  the  shadow  of  his  great 
capital.  What  was  the  extent  of  this  kingdom  within 
a  kingdom,  and  whether  all  the  Jews  in  Babylon  at 
first  were  permitted  or  chose  to  dwell  together,  can 
only  be  conjectured.  Ezekiel  speaks  of  preaching  to 
the  colony  who  lived  at  Tel-Abib  ("  Storm-hill"),  one 
of  the  many  artificial  mounds  upon  which  the  towns 
of  the  Euphrates  basin  were  located  in  ancient  times, 
precisely  as  they  are  to-day.     In  the  list  of  those  who 


THE   ORGANIZATION   OF  THE  JEWISH  EXILES      41 

returned  to  Judah,  certain  groups  came  from  Tel- 
Melah  Q'  Salt-hill")  and  Tel-Harslia  ("Forest-hill"). 
Whether  the  territory  belonging  to  these  little  towns 
was  contiguous  or  not,  the  different  Jewish  colonies 
constituted  an  independent  social  unit,  the  different 
members  of  which  were  in  closest  touch  with  each 
other.  As  in  Judah,  the  elders  were  their  civil  repre- 
sentatives (Jer.  xxix.  1 ;  Ezek.  xiv.  1).  The  earlier 
family  organization  was  maintained.  The  more  wealthy 
possessed  servants.  The  authority  of  the  princes  was 
still  acknowledged,  and  at  their  head  was  a  descendant 
of  the  house  of  David,  Jehoiakin,  who,  after  561  b.  c, 
was  officially  recognized  by  the  court  at  Babylon  (II. 
Kings  XXV.  27-30).  As  long  as  they  paid  the  imperial 
tax  and  remained  loyal  to  Babylon,  they  were  probably 
allowed  to  rule  themselves  in  accordance  with  their  own 
laws.  Capital  punishment  —  at  least  if  the  offence 
was  of  the  nature  of  rebellion  —  was  executed  in  the 
name  of  the  Babylonian  king,  and  in  a  manner  calcu- 
lated to  inspire  terror  in  the  minds  of  all  evil-doers 
(Jer.  xxix.  22). 

35.  Within  this  little  Judah,  unfortunately,  the 
same  evils  flourished  as  in  tlie  parent  state.  False 
prophets,  whose  personal  characters  were  not  above 
reproach,  misled  the  people  with  deceptive  messages, 
purporting  to  be  from  Jehovali  (Jer.  xxix.  21-23 ; 
Ezek.  xiii.  1-7  ;  xiv.  8-10).  The  exiles  in  the  East,  as 
well  as  those  in  Egypt,  carried  with  them  many  idola- 
trous practices,  which  they  were  slow  to  abandon 
(Ezek.  XX.  30-32).  The  faithful  prophets  were  stili 
compelled  to  combat  this  old  error,  strongly  fortified  as 
it  was  by  the  practices  of  their  conquerors  (Ezek.  xiv. 
3-7  ;  Isa.  xlii.  17).     Everywhere  an  even  more  insidious 


42     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

danger,  which  threatened  to  undei'mine  the  very 
foundations  of  their  faith,  assailed  the  scattered  rem- 
nants of  the  Jewish  race.  It  was  the  douht  as  to 
whether  Jehovah  was  able  or  willing  to  deliver  them. 
"  My  strength  is  perished  and  my  expectation  from  the 
Lord"  (Lam.  iii.  18),  was  the  cry  of  many  earnest, 
perplexed  souls.  The  mass  of  the  Judeans,  before  the 
great  catastrophe,  had  regarded  the  temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem as  inviolable  (Jer.  xxvi.  9).  While  it  stood,  they 
could  endure  all  personal  afflictions,  because  they  were 
assured  that  Jehovah  was  dwelling  in  their  midst ; 
but  when  they  witnessed  its  complete  destruction,  they 
felt  that  Jehovah  had  indeed  abandoned  them  as  a 
nation.  "  Wherefore  dost  thou  forget  us  forever,  and 
forsake  us  so  long  time?"  (Lam.  v.  20),  was  the 
wail  of  one  who  perhaps  at  the  moment  gazed  upon  the 
ruins  of  the  sacred  city.  Even  the  prophets  accepted 
the  popular  belief  that  "the  Lord  had  forsaken  the 
land  "  (Ezek.  viii.  12),  end  had  for  a  time  retired  to 
his  "  mount  in  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  north  "  (Isa. 
xiv.  13,  14 ;  Ezek.  i.  4),  It  was  this  sense  of  separa- 
tion from  Jehovah,  combined  with  the  feeling  that  they 
were  ceremonially  unclean,  that  constituted  the  horror 
of  the  exile.  With  the  temple  in  ruins,  it  was  no  longer 
possible  to  worship  Jehovah  as  a  nation.  No  more 
could  they  sacrifice  to  him  their  firstlings  ;  consequently 
they  felt  that  everything  which  they  ate  was  unclean. 
Daily  they  were  polkited  by  contact  with  the  heathen 
about  them.  The  very  soil  itself  was  unclean.  Shame 
saddened  every  moment,  for  they  regarded  their  lot  as 
the  sign  of  Jehovah's  displeasure.  It  is  not  strange 
that  at  first  a  despair  which  developed  into  a  spirit  of 
rebellion,  and  became  at  last  a  source  of  apostasy, 
seized  manv. 


THE   RELIGIOUS  LIFE   OF  THE  JEWISH  EXILES      43 

36.    Gradually,  however,  under  the  wise  guidance  of 
their  inspired  prophets,  a  hope  was  implanted  in  their 
hearts,  and  they  learned  to  adapt  themselves  to  their 
changed  surroundings.     It  is  to  be  noted  that  no  one 
ever  suggested  the  building  of  a  temple  to  Jehovah  in 
the  land  of  their  adoption.     Much  later,  in  Egypt,  the 
experiment  was  tried ;  but  at  this  earlier  stage  in  the 
development  of  the  Jehovah  religion,  such  a  thing  was 
inconceivable.     Until  they  were  free  again  to  rebuild  on 
the  sacred  site,  all  that  religious  life  which  had  cen- 
tred   about   the    temple,   was    impossible.     For     tht? 
present   "  the  Lord   had    cast  off     his   altar,   he   had 
abhorred  his  sanctuary"   (Lam.  ii.   7).     As  a  result, 
sacrifice  took  the  form  of  fasting.     By  denying  them- 
selves their  ordinary  food,  they  gave  expression  to  the 
intensity  of  their  feelings,  and  at  the  same  time  laid 
before  Jehovah  a  gift  which  could  be  presented  at  any 
time  and  at  any  place.     From  the  beginning  of  the 
Babylonian  exile,  fasting  became  a  common  religious 
institution  among  the  Jews  (Ezra  viii.  21  ;  Neh.  i.  4 ; 
Joel  i.  14  ;  Zech.  vii.  3-5).     Naturally,  as  the  observ- 
ance of   the   great   feast   days   fell   temporarily    into 
abeyance,  more  and  more  stress  was  laid  upon  the  in- 
stitution  of   the    Sabbath,   wliich    could   be    observed 
equally  well  beyond  the  limits  of  Canaan  (Ezek.  xx.  12- 
21 ;  xxii.  26  ;  xxiii.  38).     Ezekiel  was  the  first  of  the 
prophets  to  assign   to  it   a  position   of  transcendent 
importance.     The  example  of  the   Babylonians,   who 
also  observed  the  seventh  as   '^  a   day  of  rest  for  the 
soul,"    may  have  strengthened  this   tendency,   which 
ultimately  became   so  strong  as  to  prove  one  of  the 
most  powerful  motives  in  Judaism. 

37.    Unfortunately  there  is  no  direct  evidence  as  to 


44    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

how  the  Sabbath  was  observed.  Probably,  at  first,  if 
they  followed  the  example  of  the  Babylonians,  much 
attention  was  given  to  the  propitiatory  services.  In 
the  light  of  later  developments  among  the  Jews  of  the 
dispersion,  it  is  extremely  probable  that  families  and 
communities  gathered  together,  not  only  to  offer 
atoning  sacrifices,  but  also  to  read  and  study  the  Book 
of  Deuteronomy  and  the  writings  of  their  prophets, 
which  they  then  learned  to  value  as  never  before. 
Certainly  there  must  have  been  some  such  popular 
study  of  their  scriptures  to  inspire  the  great  literary 
activity  of  their  leaders.  If  so,  the  origin  of  the 
synagogue  service  is  to  be  found  in  this  period.  It  is 
certain  that  the  practice  of  publicly  reading  the  scrip- 
tures in  connection  with  great  propitiatory  feasts  was 
already  familiar  to  the  Jews  (Jer.  xxxvi.  6-8),  and 
that  the  synagogue  came  into  existence  as  a  result  of 
just  such  peculiar  conditions  and  needs  as  existed 
among  the  exiles.  The  other  element  in  the  syna- 
gogue service,  prayer,  public  and  private,  now  became 
a  far  more  important  feature  of  the  religious  life  of 
the  Jews  than  hitherto  (Dan.  vi.  10).  Each  indi- 
vidual became  in  a  sense  a  priest,  presenting  in  per- 
son his  offering  of  praise  and  his  petitions  to  Jehovah. 
The  need  of  such  communion  was  certainly  never  in 
the  history  of  the  Hebrew  race  felt  more  keenly. 
Thus,  while  the  Babylonian  exile  was  a  period  of 
sorrow  and  doubt,  it  was  also  one  of  rapid  change 
and  progress;  as  the  dangers  vvhich  confronted  the 
Jews  multiplied,  so  did  their  opportunities ;  the 
nation  of  peasants  had  been  projected  into  the  great 
stream  of  the  world,  and  thereby  an  entirely  new 
epoch  in  their  development  was  inaugurated. 


THE   PERSONALITY    AND  WORK  OF    THE    PKIEST- 
PEOPHET   EZEKIEL 

38.  The  man  who  appreciated  most  profoundly  the 
dangers  and  the  possibilities  of  the  Babylonian  exile, 
was  the  prophet  Ezekiel.  Born  in  Jerusalem  of  a 
well-known  priestly  family,  he  saw  the  first  temple 
with  his  own  eyes,  and,  judging  from  the  vividness 
with  which  he  remembered  details,  probably  assisted 
in  its  services.  Perhaps,  also,  as  a  youth  he  listened 
to  the  earnest  sermons  of  Jeremiah,  and  at  the  feet  of 
the  great  prophet  drank  in  those  prophetic  truths 
which  are  the  foundations  of  his  later  teachings.  In 
his  character  and  work  these  two  currents  of  influence 
—  the  priestly  and  prophetical^ —  constantly  appear, 
and  their  harmonious  blending  is  one  of  the  great 
sources  of  his  power.  It  was  an  age  when  the  faithful 
priest  joined  with  the  true  prophet  in  a  common  strug- 
gle against  the  waves  of  heathenism  which  threatened 
to  engulf  the  higher  religion  of  Jehovah.  One  effec- 
tive product  of  that  union  was  the  Book  of  Deuter- 
onomy and  the  reformation  of  Josiah,  which  followed 
its  promulgation  (II.  sects.  168,  182-186);  the  other 
was  Ezekiel,  who  represents  a  later  development  of 
the  same  so-called  Deuteronomic  school  of  thought. 
By  virtue  of  the  combination,  the  lofty  ideals  of  the 


46    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

prophet  were  presented  in  the  concrete,  popular 
imagery  of  the  ritual,  so  that  the  uneducated  masses 
could  appreciate  and  act  in  conformity  with  them. 
Ezekiel  is  the  type  of  teacher  who  appeals  directly 
to  the  greatest  number  of  hearers. 

39.  In  his  character  also  he  combined  those  quali- 
ties which  fitted  him  to  be  a  leader  of  his  own  and 
immediately  succeeding  generations,  but  which  do  not 
commend  him  so  strongly  to  the  present.  That  in- 
tensity, bordering  almost  upon  insanity,  which  led 
him  to  sit  seven  days  in  blank  amazement  among  the 
Jewish  colonists  at  Tel-Abib,  before  delivering  his 
message  of  denunciation  (iii.  15),  seems  incongruous, 
except  in  the  tense  atmosphere  of  the  exile.  His 
language  frequently  seems  mere  hyperbole  until  the 
situation,  which  called  it  forth,  is  appreciated  (com- 
pare, for  example,  xvi.).  His  repetitions  and  minute 
details  are  only  tiresome  to  one  who  does  not  realize 
^  how  obtugii  were  his  readers.  Ezekiel  was  not  an 
orator  nor  a  rhetorician,  but  an  organizer  and  a  prac- 
tical man  of  affairs.  His  words  appealed  to  his  con- 
temporaries because  they  recognized  their  truth  and 
helpfulness.  He  stood  so  close  to  them  that  he  clearly 
appreciated  and  was  able  to  supply  their  spiritual 
needs.  His  reverence  for  the  written  law,  and  his  full 
acceptance  of  the  current  theory  of  its  origin  (xx.  10, 
11;  xxxiii.  15;  contrast  Jer.  vii.  22;  viii.  8),  put  him 
into  touch  with  his  readers.  The  fanciful  apocalyptic 
imagery,  which  he  first  introduced  into  Jewish  litera- 
ture, and  which  we  now  find  only  thought-obscuring, 
was  also  very  popular  in  his  day.  The  deeper  sources 
of  Ezekiel 's  influence,  however,  are  qualities  which 
are  effective  in  all  ages.     His  intensity  was  the  out- 


THE   CALL  AND  MISSION  OF  EZEKIEL  47 

ward  expression  of  a  moral  earnestness,  inspired  by  a 
stern  sense  of  justice.  Opposition  never  daunted  him, 
but  only  revealed  his  unflinching  devotion  to  right 
(iii.  9).  A  certain  fiery  impetuosity  characterized  all 
that  he  did.  At  the  same  time,  his  high  sense  of 
Jehovah's  exaltation  and  holiness  begat  in  his  heart  a 
deep  humility,  which  finds  expression  in  the  term, 
"son  of  man,"  with  which  he  always  speaks  of 
himself. 

40.  Carried  to  Babylon  in  597  B.  c,  among  the 
first  group  of  exiles,  Ezekiel  appears  to  have  remained 
silent  until  592  b.  c,  when,  like  Isaiah,  he  received  his 
distinct  call  to  the  work  of  a  prophet.  His  account  of 
this  important  event  reveals  the  powerful  motives 
which  then  influenced  him.  On  the  one  hand,  he  was 
oppressed  by  the  defiant  folly  and  mistakes  of  his 
countrymen  in  the  exile,  and  especially  of  those  left 
behind  in  Judah;  on  the  other,  the  character  and  will 
of  Jehovah  was  impressed  upon  his  receptive  mind  so 
vividly  that  he  realized,  as  never  before,  the  startling 
contrast  between  the  divine  ideal  and  the  human  real- 
ity. Henceforth  his  life-work  was  to  "  go  to  the  house 
of  Israel  and  to  speak  Jehovah's  words  unto  them  " 
(iii.  4),  that  they  might  realize  that  divine  ideal. 
Until  586  b.  c,  when  Jerusalem  was  destroyed,  he 
devoted  himself  to  combating  the  false  hopes  of  deliv- 
erance from  Babylonian  rule  which  were  entertained 
by  the  remnant  of  his  nation  in  Canaan,  and  by  many 
of  the  Jews  in  the  East.  His  message,  like  that  of 
Jeremiah,  was,  in  the  circumstances,  one  of  denunci- 
ation and  proclamation  of  impending  ruin.  At  first 
his  fidelity  was  rewarded  only  with  rejection  and  per- 
sonal  violence  (iii.   25)    at  the  hands  of  his  fellow- 


48     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF   JEWISH  HISTORY 

exiles,  whose  minds  were  filled  with  vain  hopes  of  im^ 
mediate  deliverance  from  Babylonian  rule ;  but  when 
his  predictions  cam.e  true,  there  was  a  great  revulsion 
of  popular  feeling,  so  that  henceforth  he  enjoyed  the 
veneration  and  respectful  attention  of  all  the  Jews 
in  Babylon,  and  his  influence  extended  to  his  race 
throughout  the  world.  Thus  an  opportunity  was  given 
him  which  was  vouchsafed  to  no  other  prophet  except, 
perhaps,  to  Isaiah.  He  improved  it  nobly.  The 
Hebrew  state,  which  his  predecessors  had  addressed, 
was  no  more.  Out  of  the  wreck  only  detached 
communities  remained.  To  these  Ezekiel  turned. 
Not  the  nation,  but  individuals,  commanded  his 
attention. 

41.  One  of  the  many  revolutionary  changes  intro- 
duced by  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  commonwealth 
was  the  elevation  of  the  individual  into  a  position  of 
importance,  which  he  had  never  enjoyed  before. 
Jeremiah,  in  his  closing  messages  of  consolation, 
proclaimed  this  truth  when  he  declared  that  in  the 
coming  day  Jehovah  would  implant  in  each  heart  a 
knowledge  of  his  law.  Ezekiel  adapted  himself  to  the 
changed  conditions,  and  became  a  pastor,  devoting 
himself  primarily  to  the  culture  of  the  souls  of  those 
under  his  immediate  charge.  There  is  clear  evidence 
that  he  fully  appreciated  the  new  nature  of  his  mission. 
It  was  he  who  first  developed  the  figure  of  the  "  Good 
Shepherd"  who  gathers  and  tenderly  cares  for  his 
scattered  flock  (xxxiv.  10-17).  Ezekiel  frequently 
designated  himself  as  a  watchman,  appointed  by  God, 
whose  duty  it  is  to  "hear  the  word  from  the  mouth 
of  Jehovah  and  to  give  the  divine  warning  to  the 
people  "  (iii.  17).     Elsewhere  he  speaks  of  the  exiles 


EZEKIEL'S   METHODS   OF   TEACHING  49 

as  children  (ii.  4).  They  also  recognized  the  pastoral 
relation,  for  they  came  freely  in  person,  or  through 
their  elders  (xiv.  1),  to  consult  him  in  regard  to 
matters  of  individual  faith,  and  to  "hear  what  is  the 
word  that  cometh  forth  from  the  Lord  "  through  the 
mouth  of  their  trusty  pastor  (xxxiii.  30).  He  also 
clearly  defined  his  pastoral  responsibilities :  if  he  faith- 
fully warned  those  under  his  charge,  he  felt  that  he 
was  innocent  in  the  sight  of  God  even  though  disaster 
overtook  them ;  but  if  it  came  because  of  any  remiss- 
ness on  his  part,  then  "their  blood  would  Jehovah 
require  at  the  hand  of  his  watchman  "  (xxxiii.  1-9). 
In  his  complete  surrender  to  his  work,  he  set  an 
example  for  all  times.  So  entirely  did  he  identify 
himself  with  his  message,  that  he  speaks  of  eating 
and  digesting  the  roll  on  which  it  was  written 
(iii.  1-3). 

42.  In  the  variety  of  the  methods  which  he  em- 
ployed to  impress  his  words  upon  those  under  his 
charge,  he  surpassed  all  other  prophets.  Like  Jere- 
miah, he  frequently  sought  out  groups  of  his  country- 
men, and  by  public  address  endeavored  to  reach  them. 
We  can  see  him  in  his  earnestness  "stamping  with 
his  foot  "  and  gesticulating  with  his  arms,  to  add  force 
to  his  words  (vi.  11).  More  frequently,  perhaps, 
deputations  of  Jews  visited  him  in  his  home  with 
questions  which  they  freely  discussed  together  (xiv.). 
In  the  literary  atmosphere  of  Babylon,  he  trusted 
chiefly,  however,  to  pastoral  letters  or  tracts,  copies 
of  which  were  probably  also  distributed  among  the 
Jews  of  Canaan  and  Egypt;  for  Ezekiel  felt  that  they, 
too,  belonged  to  his  flock.  In  all  his  writing  that 
strongly  dramatic  element,  which  characterize    every- 

4 


50     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

thing  that  he  did,  found  expression  in  the  variety  of 
rugged  figures  which  he  employed.     The  false  prophets 
are  "foxes   which   undermine  rather   than   build   up 
their  nation"  (xiii.   1-T);  the  sense  of   security    in- 
spired by  their  lying  messages  of  peace  is  "  like  a  wall 
of   defence   laid    in   untempered   mortar,  which   will 
crumble  at  the  first  attack  "  (xiii.  10-12).     Not  con- 
tent with  words,  he  often  acted  his  prophecies.     To 
convince   his  i)eople  that  the  downfall  of  Jerusalem 
was  inevitable,  he  represented  on  a  tile  the  city  in  a 
state  of  siege,  and  pictured  all  the  details  of  its  cap- 
ture (iv.  1-3).     At  another  time  he  Avas  commanded 
to  shave  off  all  his  hair  and  to  burn  one-third  in  the 
fire,  one-third  he  was  to  smite  with  a  sword,  and  the 
remaining  third  he  was  to  scatter  to  the   winds.     Of 
these  he  was  to  preserve  only  a  handful,  thus  sym- 
bolizing the  fate  in  store  for  his  race.      Again  he  tells 
us  that,  in  the  sight  of  a  gaping  multitude,  he  carried 
all  of  his  household  furniture  to  a  place  beside  the 
city  wall,  and  then  in  hot  haste  dug  a  hole  in  the  soft 
clay,   through  which,   under   the    cover   of   niglit,  he 
bore  away  his  possessions.     Having  in  this    manner 
aroused   the    curiosity    of   his   fellow-citizens   to   the 
highest   pitch,    he    explained   that    even    thus    their 
rebellious    brethren    in    Jerusalem    would    soon    be 
only   too   glad   to   escape    from    their    doomed    city 
(xii.  1-16). 

43.  Although  born  a  priest,  and  an  ardent  advo- 
cate of  ritualism  and  the  written  law,  Ezekiel,  as  a 
faithful  pastor,  Vv^as  a  preacher  of  practical  personal 
righteousness.  He  ever  placed  deeds  first  and  foozm 
second,  regarding  the  ritual  and  law  as  aids  in  the 
development  of   upright   character  (xxxiii.   15).     He 


MORAL  AND  EELIGIOUS  TEACHINGS  OF  EZEKIEL      51 

predicted  the  fall  of  Jerusalem,  not  because  the  temple 
service  was  neglected,  but  because  of  the  crimes  and 
apostasy  of  its  inhabitants  (v.  5-11;  vii.  1-27).  To 
the  exiles  who  came  to  inquire  of  him  the  divine 
will,  he  preached  fundamental  and  complete  conver- 
sion, declaring:  "Return,  turn  yourselves  from  your 
idols ;  and  turn  away  your  faces  from  all  your  abom- 
inations "  (xiv.  6).  Repeatedly  he  impressed  upon 
them  the  truth  that  an  external  change  was  not  suffi- 
cient, but  that  the  heart,  the  mainspring  of  action, 
must  be  transformed  (xxxvi.  26).  One  recognizes  in 
his  denunciations  of  the  corrupt  rulers  of  his  nation, 
and  in  his  unsparing  attacks  upon  those  who  had  been 
unfaithful  to  the  marriage  bonds,  or  forgotten  their 
obligations  to  their  neighbors  (xxii.  6-12),  the  same 
bold,  uncompromising  spirit  that  inspired  John  the 
Baptist  and  Savonarola.  In  the  presence  of  sin  his 
"forehead  was  as  an  adamant,  harder  than  flint"  (iii. 
9),  but  the  seeming  harshness  of  the  prophet  was 
prompted  by  the  desire  that  "the  wicked  might  turn 
from  his  way  and  live  "  (xxxiii.  11). 

44.  Like  every  true  pastor,  he  wails  that  "the 
people  hear  his  words,  but  do  them  not ;  for  with  their 
mouth  they  show  much  love,  but  their  heart  goes  after 
their  gain"  (xxxiii.  31).  False  prophets  and  prophet- 
esses were  found  among  the  exiles,  who  undermined 
the  influence  of  Ezekiel  and  destroyed  the  peoples' 
faith  in  the  prophetic  message  (xiii.  ;  Jer.  xxix.  21- 
28).  Certain  popular  errors  gained  wide  acceptance. 
The  proverb:  "The  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes, 
and  the  children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge,"  which 
Jeremiah  branded  as  a  lie,  was  still  current  in  the 
exile.     Ezekiel   resolutely   met  these    dangers   with 


52     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

assertions  of  the  divine  truth  as  it  had  been  revealed 
to  him.  "No  man  shall  suffer  for  his  father's  sins, 
but  shall  be  rewarded  according  to  his  ovsii  deeds  " 
(xviii.  20).  If  he  overlooked  certain  individual  ex- 
ceptions to  this  general  principle,  which  are  empha- 
sized by  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Job,  his  teaching 
was  far  truer  and  more  practical  than  the  error  which 
it  combated.  No  one  in  his  flock  was  allowed  to 
shirk  personal  responsibility.  Each  one  was  led 
directly  before  the  bar  of  divine  justice.  The  false 
theory  that  righteous  deeds  would  save  from  the  con- 
sequences of  wrong-doing  was  also  mercilessly  attacked 
(xviii.  24).  At  the  same  time  he  taught  the  efficacy 
of  repentance  and  reformation,  no  matter  how  deeply 
the  penitent  had  sinned  (xviii.  21).  "Divine  justice 
and  judgment  are  but  an  expression  of  God's  love,  for 
their  aim  is  to  turn  the  sinner  from  his  evil  way  that 
he  may  live  "  (xviii.  23). 

45.  Although  he  was  influenced  by  the  experience 
of  the  exile,  which  led  men  to  conceive  of  the  Lord  as 
far  removed  from  them  and  to  meditate  more  upon  his 
judgments  than  upon  his  favor,  Ezekicl  never  failed 
to  appreciate  that  Jehovah  was  a  God  of  love  and 
mercy.  Together  with  all  the  true  prophets,  he  re- 
garded the  exile  as  merely  a  temporary  stage  in  the 
moral  and  religious  evolution  of  his  race.  As  he 
demonstrates  at  length,  it  was  the  natural  and  inevi- 
table consequence  of  the  political,  social,  moral,  and 
religious  crimes  of  the  Hebrew  people  during  their 
national  life  (xiv.  to  xvi.  ;  xxiii.).  It  was  also  in- 
tended in  divine  providence  to  efface  the  effects  of 
those  crimes,  and  to  prepare  the  Jews  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  their  mission.     Until  they  were  thus  prepared, 


THE   GLORIOUS  FUTURE   FOR  THE   JEWISH  RACE      53 

that  mission  could  not  be  accomplished.  In  the  light 
of  this  truth,  the  intense  earnestness  with  which 
Ezekiel  devoted  himself  to  the  moral  education  of  his 
scattered  flock,  receives  its  full  explanation.  In  them 
he  saw  the  germ  upon  whose  proper  development 
depended  mankind's  future. 

46.  One  of  the  many  elements,  inexplicable  from  a 
human  point  of  view,  is  the  unanimity  and  absolute 
certainty  with  which  the  prophets  of  the  period  de- 
clared that  their  race  would  be  again  restored  to 
Canaan.  In  the  details,  their  portrayals  of  the  nature 
of  the  restoration  varied,  but  respecting  the  essential 
facts,  they  were  in  perfect  agreement.  Before  the 
final  fall  of  Jerusalem,  Ezekiel  announced  that  Jeho- 
vah would  surely  gather  his  scattered  people.  Later, 
when  the  sacred  city  was  in  ruins,  and  the  Jews  were 
in  exile  or  in  the  grave,  he  reiterated  the  same  pre- 
diction in  the  striking  parable  of  the  valley  filled  with 
dry  bones.  By  this  he  declared  that  the  nation,  then 
morally  and  physically  dead,  would  yet  be  raised  and 
revivified  by  Jehovah,  and  endued  with  a  new  and 
more  glorious  life  (xxxvii.  1-14) ;  while  all  heathen 
foes  which  opposed  it,  would  be  completely  destroyed. 
For  the  sake  of  his  honor,  which  was  sadly  tarnished 
by  the  infidelity  of  those  who  represented  him  before 
the  world,  Jehovah  would  give  them  a  new  heart  of 
flesh,  instead  of  their  hard  heart  of  stone  (xxxvi.  21- 
26).  The  old  and  broken  covenant  he  would  renew, 
and  he  himself  would  return  again  to  dwell  in  Jerusa- 
lem among  his  people  (xvi.  62).  It  is  also  interest- 
ing to  note  that  in  Ezekiel's  picture  of  the  restored 
Hebrew  kingdom  the  descendants  of  the  northern 
Israelites,  as  well  as  the  Judeans,  are  to  have  a  share 


54    THE   BABYLONIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

(xxxvii.  16-22).  Each  of  the  ancient  tribes  is  to  be 
assigned  a  definite  portion  of  the  land  of  Canaan 
(xlvii.  13).  Over  the  united  people  is  to  rule  Jeho- 
vah's faithful  servant,  a  scion  of  the  royal  Judean 
line,  who  shall  be  dominated  by  the  same  noble  pur- 
poses as  guided  Israel's  great  conqueror-king  of 
blessed  memory  (xxxiv.  23,  24;  xxxvii.  24-28). 
Ezekiel  portrays  the  unbroken  peace  and  unbounded 
prosperity  which  will  ultimately  come  to  the  restored 
people,  in  colors  even  more  glowing  than  do  the  ear- 
lier prophets  (xxxiv.  25-29;  xxxvi.  8-15);  but  being 
a  discerning  pastor,  who  did  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the 
imperfections  of  his  flock,  he  recognized  that  a  long 
process  of  purification  was  necessary  before  they 
would  be  prepared  to  become  worthy  citizens  of  the 
kingdom  which  Jehovah  purposed  to  establish,  with 
Jerusalem  as  its  centre. 

47.  Profiting  by  the  experience  of  the  past,  and 
following  the  tendency  toward  greater  ceremonialism, 
which  found  expression  in  Deuteronomy  and  the  ref- 
ormation of  Josiah,  Ezekiel  outlined  for  the  restored 
state  a  plan  calculated  to  correct  the  imperfections  of 
the  earlier  system,  and  to  impress  by  form  and  cere- 
mony the  great  truths  which  he  deemed  essential. 
Naturally  it  was  in  general  modelled  after  the  pre- 
exilic  Hebrew  kingdom  and  temple,  with  which  he 
was  so  familiar;  but  his  fertile  mind  suggested  much 
that  w^as  entirely  new,  and  not  a  little  that  proved 
impractical  in  the  presence  of  actual  facts.  His  pur- 
pose, however,  is  evident.  By  detailed  regulations 
he  aimed  to  close  all  the  gaps  in  the  law  of  Deuter- 
onomy, whereby  the  old  heathenism  had  found  admis- 
sion, and  to  surround  the  members  of  the  restored 


EZEKIEL'S  PROGRAM  FOR  THE  HIERARCHY         55 

community  with  influences  which  would  insure  their 
perfect  development.  According  to  his  vision,  the 
life  of  the  community  centred,  not  about  the  palace, 
but  about  the  temple,  w^here  dwelt  Jehovah,  the  ac- 
knowledged King  of  his  people.  To  guard  his  holy 
abode  from  too  close  contact  with  the  life  of  the  city, 
and  to  impress  the  idea  of  his  holiness,  it  was  to  be 
enclosed  by  two  series  of  broad  courts,  shut  in  by 
encircling  walls,  and  guarded  by  imposing  gates. 
Within  this  space,  contrary  to  earlier  usage,  no  for- 
eigner was  to  be  allowed  to  set  foot;  even  the  non- 
Hebrew  servants  who  performed  the  menial  duties  at 
the  pre-exilic  sanctuary  were  to  be  excluded.  Their 
place  was  to  be  filled  by  the  Levites,  who,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  regulations  of  Deuteronomy,  were  con- 
tinued in  charge  of  the  temple  (Deut.  x.  8,  9;  xviii. 
1-8).  Now,  however,  since  they  had  formerly  been 
connected  with  the  high  places,  they  were  to  be  de- 
graded (Ezek.  xliv.  10-14).  The  higher  functions 
henceforth  were  to  be  performed  only  by  the  descend- 
ants of  Zadok ;  that  is,  by  the  original  priests  of  the 
sanctuary  at  Jerusalem.  The  number  of  sacrifices  in 
the  name  of  the  nation  was  to  be  greatly  increased, 
and  the  ritual  made  more  elaborate ;  while  the  private 
offerings  of  earlier  times  almost  disappeared.  A 
prominence  which  they  never  possessed  before  was 
also  given  to  the  atoning  sacrifices.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  first  and  seventh  months  special  atoning 
services  were  appointed.  In  fact,  almost  all  the 
sacrifices  offered  in  the  name  of  the  nation  were 
now  to  be  of  this  nature.  From  this  time  forth, 
the  prophetic  teachings  respecting  the  hideousness 
of    sin   were    to    be    forcibly   driven    home    to    the 


56     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

hearts    of    the    people    through    the    services    of    the 
ritual. 

48.  In  Ezekiel's  system  the  priesthood  completely 
overshadows  the  monarchy.  The  chief  role  of  the 
prince,  who  represents  the  king  of  earlier  days,  was 
to  provide  for  the  stated  sacrifices  in  behalf  of  the 
nation.  For  this  purpose  alone,  he  was  to  receive 
fixed  dues  from  the  people.  His  old  right  of  appoint- 
ing and  regulating  the  priests  of  the  sanctuary  van- 
ished, the  situation  was  completely  reversed,  and  he 
became  merely  a  servant  of  the  sanctuary.  In  the 
new  division  of  the  territory  of  Judah,  Ezekiel  assigns 
to  the  priests  and  Levites  the  most  desirable  land  im- 
mediately surrounding  the  temple.  Thus  it  was  that 
this  energetic  priest-prophet  of  the  exile  formulated 
the  first  constitution  of  a  purely  ecclesiastical  state. 
The  subsequent  temper  and  political  fortunes  of  his 
people  favored  its  institution.  It  was,  of  course,  laid 
aside  until  the  second  temple  was  built,  but,  from  that 
time  on,  many  of  its  suggestions  were  adopted  entirely 
or  in  modified  form. 

49.  Ezekiel,  it  may  truly  be  said,  presented  the 
rough  draft,  which,  when  elaborated,  became  the  pro- 
gram of  later  generations.  With  him  began  the  codi- 
fication and  gradual  —  possibly  almost  unconscious  — 
expansion  of  the  older  ritualistic  laws,  which  culmi- 
nated in  the  minute  regulations  of  the  scribes.  Most 
of  the  ideas  which  they  emphasized  —  the  exaltation 
of  the  priesthood,  the  sanctity  of  the  temple,  the  care- 
ful distinction  between  clean  and  unclean,  and  the 
atoning  sacrifices  —  are  also  prominent  in  Ezekiel's 
system.  He,  therefore,  occupies  an  important  medi- 
ating position  between  the  earlier  and  simpler  code 


HISTORICAL  VALUE   OF  EZEKIEL'S  PROGRAM      57 

contained  in  Deuteronomy  and  the  Book  of  the  Cove- 
nant (Ex.  XX.  to  xxiv.),  and  the  more  detailed  regu- 
lations which  are  known  as  the  Priestly  or  Levitical 
Law  (see  sect.  201).  Later  circumstances  and  re- 
visors  modified  Ezekiel's  program  in  many  particu- 
lars. The  day  had  not  yet  arrived  when  any  system 
was  considered  final.  His  regulations  were  revised 
as  freely  as  he  had  modified  those  of  Deuteronomy. 
"  The  Law  "  was  still  in  the  process  of  formation.  For 
example,  the  power  and  duties  which  he  assigned  to 
the  Davidic  prince  were  absorbed  by  the  high  priest, 
who,  in  the  program  of  the  priest-prophet  of  the  exile, 
had  not  yet  appeared.  Later  generations  also  assigned 
quite  another  historical  reason  why  the  Levites,  the 
priests  of  the  old  high  places,  were  made  subservient 
to  the  Zadokites,  the  original  Jerusalem  priests  (sect. 
231).  Many  other  regulations  calculated  to  increase 
the  revenues  of  the  temple  and  of  its  ministers  were 
added,  as  new  needs  arose  and  as  the  ritual  became 
more  complex.  On  the  other  hand,  many  of  the  more 
impracticable  elements  in  EzekiePs  plan,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, the  arbitrary  assignment  of  the  territory  of 
Canaan  and  the  design  of  the  temple,  were  simply 
ignored  in  the  face  of  later  conditions.  It  was  but 
natural  in  the  first  century  of  the  Christian  era,  when 
the  traditional  origin  of  the  law  was  generally  ac- 
cepted by  the  Jews,  that  they  should  recognize  the 
many  differences  between  Ezekiel's  and  the  still  more 
elaborate  Priestly  Code,  and  should  question  the 
authority  of  the  prophet.  In  the  light  of  history, 
however,  he  figures  as  the  most  prominent  of  the 
many  who,  during  the  critical  period  of  the  exile, 
were  thinking  of  the  future  as  well  as  of  the  present, 


58     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

and  devising  those  systems  of  law,  which,  when  fin- 
ally revised  and  combined,  became  the  guiding  norm 
of  Judaism.  Ezekiel  was  indeed  the  potter  who  took 
up  the  tools  of  preceding  priests  and  prophets,  and 
on  the  wheel  of  his  age  moulded  the  external  reli- 
gious life  of  his  race. 


VI 

THE   LITERARY   ACTIVITY   OF   THE   EXILE 

50.  While  their  state  existed,  the  attention  of  the 
Jewish  people  was  ahnost  wholly  engrossed  by  the 
stirring  political  events  which  followed  each  other  in 
rapid  succession.  They  had  scarcely  time  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  their  prophets,  much  less  to  that  of  their 
past.  During  the  exile,  however,  for  half  a  century 
their  life  was  barren  of  events.  They  lived,  not  in 
the  present,  but  in  the  memory  of  bygone  experiences, 
and  in  the  hopes  which  they  projected  into  the  future. 
The  more  intensely  they  thought  of  that  future,  which 
they  firmly  believed  held  for  them  the  possibilities  of  a 
renewed  national  life,  the  more  earnestly  they  studied 
the  past,  to  learn  how  they  might  avoid  its  mistakes. 
The  work  of  Ezekiel,  who  is  the  most  perfect  represen- 
tative of  the  better  class  of  Jews  in  the  exile,  forcibly 
illustrates  this  dominant  tendency.  The  sixteenth  and 
twentieth  chapters  of  his  prophecy,  as  well  as  many 
other  passages,  are  devoted  to  a  review  of  Hebrew  his- 
tory, with  the  aim  of  drawing  from  it  lessons,  helpful 
for  the  present  and  future.  The  same  motives  that 
led  them  to  study  their  previous  history,  impelled 
them  to  collect  and  preserve  the  literary  productions 
of  preceding  generations.  Cliief  among  these  motives 
was  the  horror  which  the  faithful  felt,  lest  Babylon's 
policy  of  disintegration  should  prove  successful,  and 


60    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  Jews  be  absorbed  and  lose  their  identity  among  the 
peoples  within  whose  territory  they  found  themselves. 
The  danger  was  at  that  time  far  greater  than  it  is 
usually  considered  to  have  been.  The  high  wall  of 
separation  which  has  kept  the  Jew  during  the  succeed- 
ing ages  from  the  Gentile  was  not  yet  built.  The 
inhabitants  of  Samaria,  deported  by  Assyria  in  722 
B.  c,  were  quickly  absorbed  by  the  kindred  Semitic 
races  among  whom  they  settled.  The  moment  the 
Jews  began  to  engage  in  trade,  their  temptations  mul- 
tiplied, for  the  Babylonians  introduced  their  gods  and 
religion  into  every  department  of  business.  Babylonian 
priests  were  the  scribes  who  wrote  their  legal  con- 
tracts, and  Babylonian  gods  were  invoked  to  witness 
the  oaths  which  sealed  their  agreements.  As  long  as 
the  Jews  refused  to  acknovvdedge  the  deities  of  Babylon, 
they  were  naturally  subject  to  many  restrictions.  Thus 
self-interest,  as  well  as  the  potent,  persistent  example 
of  the  rich  and  powerful,  with  whom  they  came  into 
daily  contact,  prompted  them  to  forget  the  austere 
God  whom  they  or  their  fathers  had  worshipped  on 
the  hills  of  Palestine.  The  Babylonian  worship  itself 
offered  many  strong  allurements.  In  the  magnificence 
of  its  services  it  completely  overshadowed  anything 
hitherto  known  to  the  Jews.  The  inspired  prophets  of 
Jehovah  could  declare,  especially  when  Babylon's  end 
was  near :  "  Bel  has  bowed  down,  Nebo  has  crouched, 
their  idols  are  given  up  to  the  beasts  and  the  cattle  " 
(Tsa.  xlvi.  1) ;  but  to  the  ignorant  during  the  years  of 
Babylon's  glory  the  testimony  of  facts  seemed  only 
to  confirm  tlic  claims  of  their  boastful  conquerors. 
The  religious  faith  of  such  kings  as  Nebuchadrezzar 
also  contained  many  ideas  which  are  admirable.     The 


INCENTIVES   TO  LITERARY  ACTIVITY  61 

same  was  true  to  a  certain  extent  of  the  religion  of 
Egypt,  which  must  have  proved  even  a  greater  temp- 
tation to  the  ordinary  Jew,  because  it  was  that  of  a 
friendly  people.  The  earnest  sermons  unveiling  the 
nothingness  of  the  gods  of  the  Babylonians,  which 
appear  in  the  literature  of  the  exile,  are  conclusive 
evidence  that  the  temptation  to  apostasy  was  a  real 
one,  and  the  terror  which  the  faithful  felt  in  the  face 
of  it,  well  grounded.  Nothing  was  so  calculated  to 
arouse  the  loyalty  of  the  race  as  the  memory  of  com- 
mon national  experiences.  If  the  knowledge  of  those 
experiences  were  to  be  preserved,  it  must  be  through 
the  medium  of  written  records.  The  scattered  con- 
dition of  the  Jewish  people  made  writing  the  only 
means  whereby  it  was  possible  to  communicate  with 
all  of  them.  This  fact  undoubtedly  gave  a  great  im- 
petus to  the  literary  art.  The  atmosphere  of  both 
Egypt  and  Babylon  fostered  the  same  tendency.  No- 
where in  the  ancient  world  was  writing  more  com- 
monly employed  in  the  everyday  affairs  of  life.  In 
Babylon,  at  least,  every  important  commercial  trans- 
action was  sealed  by  a  written  contract.  Rulers  com- 
municated with  their  subjects  by  means  of  public 
inscriptions.  A  large  class  of  scribes  devoted  their 
entire  time  to  literary  composition  and  to  copying 
public  and  private  documents.  Already  the  royal 
libraries  possessed  a  literature  representing  a  period 
of  over  three  thousand  years,  and  consisting  of  royal 
decrees,  national  annals,  hymns,  mythological  tales, 
epics,  magic  formulas,  and  laws.  Thus  it  was  that 
their  condition,  their  needs,  their  patriotism,  and  their 
environment  all  conspired  to  make  the  Jews  in  the 
exile  a  literary  people. 


62     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

51.  The  best  energies  of  the  Jewish  people  now 
found  expression  in  writing,  as  the  Books  of  Ezekiel, 
Lamentations,  and  the  exilic  chapters  preserved  in  the 
Book  of  Isaiah,  conclusively  demonstrate.  For  the 
first  time  also  they  learned  fully  to  prize  the  literary 
treasures  inherited  from  the  past.  An  important  part 
of  their  work,  therefore,  was  the  collecting  and  editing 
of  that  which  had  already  been  written.  On  a  larger 
scale  than  had  Ezekiel,  some  unknown  editor  or  edi- 
tors essayed  the  task  of  preserving,  in  theform  ojfi^a 
connected  and  detailed  history  of  their  nation  from 
earliest  time  to  the  present,  those  records  w^hich  proba- 
bly already  existed  in  written  documents.  The  aim 
w^as  to  kindle  a  national  spirit,  and  above  all  to  enforce 
the  great  prophetic  truths  wiiich  that  history  so  clearly 
illustrated.  The  result  was  the  narrative  contained 
in  the  Books  of  Samuel  and  Kings.  Introductory  to 
this,  and  edited  from  the  same  point  of  view,  is  the 
Book  of  Judges.  While  this  great  history  traces  the 
life  of  the  Hebrew  people  down  to  the  year  560  b.  c, 
and,  therefore,  in  its  final  form  comes  from  the  latter 
part  of  the  exile,  it  is  composed  of  extracts  from  much 
earlier  writings.  Fortunately  the  exile  was  not  unex- 
pected, at  least  by  those  who  heeded  the  words  of  the 
prophets.  The  blow  did  not  fall  all  at  once,  so  that 
ample  opportunity  was  given  to  the  refugees  in  Egypt, 
and  to  the  first  group  of  exiles  in  Babylon,  to  preserve 
copies  of  their  sacred  w^-itings.  In  Samuel-Kings  the 
work  of  the  final  editor  is  chiefly  that  of  a  compiler. 
His  own  contributions,  aside  from  the  arrangement 
of  the  material  in  a  chronological  frame-work,  appear 
in  the  didactic  sections,  which  are  intended  to  enforce 
the  prophetic  truths    current   in    this  later   age,    and 


EDITING   OF  EARLIER   HISTORICAL   RECORDS       63 

which  are  easily  recognized  because  of  their  peculiar- 
ities of  style  and  thought  (see  I.  sect.  34 ;  11.  sects. 
2,  S.) 

52.  The  Book  of  Joshua,  although  in  part  parallel 
with  the  Book  of  Judges,  presents  an  entirely  differ- 
ent picture  of  the  history  and  contains  fewer  cita- 
tions from  primitive  records.  The  style  and  point  of 
view  also  are  much  more  uniform  than  those  of  Judges. 
It  represents  in  general  the  conception  of  the  period 
which  was  current  during  the  exile  (compare  Ezek. 
XX.).  It  is  extremely  probable  that  the  older  pro- 
phetic sections,  preserved  in  the  book,  were  edited  at 
this  time,  although  its  final  composition  dates  from  a 
still  later  period. 

53.  The  return  to  Babylon,  the  traditional  home  of 
the  ancestors  of  the  Hebrews,  undoubtedly  kindled  a 
new  interest  in  the  narratives  of  the  patriarchs;  just 
as  the  Jews  in  Egypt  recalled  the  stories  of  the  so- 
journ of  their  forefathers  in  the  land  of  the  Nile,  and 
of  their  return  to  Canaan.  How  far  we  are  indebted 
to  this  new  interest  and  literary  activity  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  inspiring  prophetic  narratives  con- 
tained in  the  opening  books  of  the  Old  Testament, 
can  never  be  definitely  determined.  That  some  debt 
exists  can  hardly  be  questioned.  The  same  is  true  of 
the  accounts  of  creation,  the  garden  of  Eden,  and  the 
flood,  which  reveal  so  many  striking  points  of  like- 
ness and  unlikeness  with  the  corresponding  traditions 
current  among  the  Babylonians,  To  the  same  influ- 
ences we  undoubtedly  owe  the  development  of  the  par- 
allel priestly  narratives,  which  were  later  united  with 
the  older  prophetic  to  form  our  present  Pentateuch. 

54.  Ezekiel  was  only  one  of  many  priests  deported 


64    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

to  Babylon.  There  is  evidence  that  others,  like  him- 
self, during  the  period  when  the  temple  lay  in  ruins, 
were  preparing  for  the  promised  restoration.  The 
process  of  codifying,  expanding,  and  adapting  the  law 
was  greatly  accelerated  by  the  exile.  While  the 
temple  remained  and  its  services  were  continuous, 
its  regulations  and  customs  were  preserved  chiefly  in 
oral  form,  but  after  its  destruction  they  were  in  im- 
minent danger  of  being  forgotten  through  disuse. 
The  danger  impelled  those  who  w^ere  familiar  with 
the  ancient  usages  to  take  the  pen.  In  so  doing  they 
also  recognized  their  opportunity  for  improving  upon 
the  old.  While  they  felt  the  influence  of  the  grow- 
ing reverence  for  the  past,  in  the  exile  they  were  free 
from  the  tyrannical  rule  of  existing  custom.  This 
freedom  may  have  given  rise  to  systems  differing  from 
Ezekiel's,  as  his  in  turn  differs  both  from  the  earlier 
Deuteronomic  and  the  later  Priestly  Code.  At  first 
there  may  have  been  much  confusion.  It  was  neces- 
sary that  many  regulations  be  modified  before  they 
could  be  practically  applied  to  later  conditions.  The 
outlines,  however,  of  that  which  ultimately  became 
the  accepted  code,  were  probably  developed  at  this 
time,  and  the  task  of  uniting  existing  codes  with  the 
new  systems  begun. 

55.  In  estimating  the  literarj^,  and  especially  the 
editorial  work  of  the  exile,  it  is  necessary  to  remem- 
ber that  the  extreme  reverence  for  the  letter,  as  well 
as  for  the  spirit  of  earlier  writings,  was  a  growth  of 
later  times.  The  Jews  still  had  prophets,  in  their 
midst  whose  words  they  recognized  as  authoritative 
as  those  of  olden  days.  The  consecrated  priests  and 
prophets  who  edited  and   expanded   the  writings  of 


RE-EDITING  OF  EARLIER  PROPHECIES  65 

their  predecessors,  considered  themselves  equally  in- 
spired by  the  spirit  of  the  same  God.  The  message 
of  Jehovah  to  mankind  through  the  Jewish  race  was 
not  yet  complete.  New  conditions  constantly  called 
for  a  new  interpretation  of  the  old.  At  first  the  close 
student  of  the  Bible  is  dismayed  to  find  the  older 
writings  interspersed  with  changes  and  additions 
from  later  hands.  Dismay  is  soon  exchanged  for 
thankfulness,  when  it  is  recognized  as  an  index  of  the 
great  truth  that  divine  revelation  never  ceased,  but 
that  each  age  received  a  new  message  from  the  Eter- 
nal. Fortunately  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testament 
was  not  forever  closed  until  centuries  after  the 
exile.  More  than  half  of  its  books,  however,  bear 
the  imprint  of  the  work  of  the  faithful  editors  who, 
during  the  period  of  their  nation's  deepest  humilia- 
tion, labored  to  preserve  the  inestimable  treasure 
intrusted  to  their  race,  and,  in  so  doing,  preserved 
the  race  itself. 


VII 

THE   CLOSING   YEARS   OF   THE   BABYLONIAN   RULE 

56.  After  a  strong  reign  of  fortj-three  years,  in 
561  B.  c.  the  great  Nebuchadrezzar  died,  leaving  a 
powerful  and  well-organized  empire  to  his  son  Evil- 
Merodach  (Babylonian,  Amil-Marduk,  "man  or  ser- 
vant of  Marduk").  The  new  ruler  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  the  many  weak  products  of  the  Oriental 
harem.  Berosus  states  that  he  was  dissolute  in  char- 
acter and  unjust  in  his  rule.  This  statement  is  con- 
firmed by  the  brevity  of  his  reign.  None  of  his 
inscriptions  have  been  found;  but,  according  to  the 
biblical  narrative  (11.  Kings  xxv.  27-30),  it  was  he 
who  liberated  the  Jewish  king,  Jehoiakin,  after  he 
had  been  confined  for  thirty-seven  years  in  Babylo- 
nian prisons,  and  gave  him  a  place  at  the  royal  table. 
This  act  of  clemency  may  have  signalized  the  acces- 
sion of  the  new  ruler  to  the  throne,  although  the 
author  of  Kings  dates  the  event  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  year  560  b.  c,  when  he  had  already  been  reigning 
more  than  a  year.  The  liberation  of  Jehoiakin  does 
not  appear  to  have  possessed  much,  if  any,  permanent 
political  significance,  for  during  the  years  immedi- 
ately preceding  the  dissolution  of  the  great  empire, 
the  hatred  of  the  Jewish  exiles  toward  their  masters 
was  intensified  rather  than  mollified. 


NEBUCHxVDREZZAR'S   SUCCESSORS  67 

57.  The  first  blow  against  Babylon  was  struck  when 
NergalshariizLir,  the  Neriglissar  of  the  Greeks,  slew 
Evil-Merodach,  after  he  had  reigned  but  two  years; 
for,  although  the  assassin,  who  mounted  the  throne, 
was  a  stronger  ruler  than  the  murdered  king,  it  intro- 
duced a  regime  of  anarchy  which  destroyed  the  vital 
strength  of  the  empire.  The  new  ruler  was  probably 
the  Nergalsharezer  of  Jeremiah  xxxix.  3,  who,  as 
one  of  the  chief  officers  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  directed 
the  final  capture  and  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586 
B.  c.  Two  Greek  historians  state  independently  that 
he  was  the  brother-in-law  of  Evil-Merodach,  and 
therefore  the  son-in-law  of  Nebuchadrezzar.  Their 
testimony  is  probably  authentic,  for,  from  the  inscrip- 
tions of  Nergalsharuzur,  it  is  evident  that  he  followed 
closely  the  policy  of  the  great  king.  For  a  brief  in- 
terval he  maintained  the  integrity  of  the  empire. 
His  entire  attention,  however,  was  devoted  to  build- 
ing enterprises.  Nabonidus  attributes  to  him  the  re- 
building of  certain  temples  (Nab.,  Cor.  Cyl.  iv.  3-6). 
The  old  palace  of  his  predecessors,  which  had  fallen 
into  decay,  he  thoroughly  restored  (Cambridge  Cyl. 
ii.  15-39),  and  further  developed  the  canal  system  of 
Babylon.  He  alludes  to  the  rebellions  and  conspir- 
acies which  disturbed  his  short  reign,  and,  in  a  prayer 
at  the  close  of  one  of  his  inscriptions,  suggests  the 
well-grounded  fears  which  oppressed  him:  "0,  Mar- 
duk,  mighty  lord,  strong  prince,  omnipotent  and  in- 
vincible, light  of  the  gods,  to  thee  I  pray.  Be  kindly 
disposed  to  the  gracious  work  of  my  hands,  and  grant 
as  a  gift  forever  a  long  life,  many  offspring,  a  stable 
throne,  and  a  lasting  rule,  in  accordance  with  thy 
eternal  and  unchanging  will,  to  me,  Nergalsharuzur, 


QS     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

the  king,  the  builder,  the  one  who  cares  for  thy  sanc- 
tuaries "  (Ripley  Cyl.  ii.  28-38). 

58.  Four  years  only  he  reigned,  leaving  his  throne 
to  his  young  son,  Labashi-Marduk,  who,  according  to 
the  Nabonidus  inscription,  "as  a  little  child  was 
taken  from  the  harem,  and  not  in  accord  with  the 
desire  of  the  gods  was  seated  on  the  throne  of  sover- 
eignty "  (Coi*.  Inscript.  iv.  8).  Within  nine  months 
the  conspiracies  which  his  father  had  feared,  ripened, 
and  the  young  king  was  murdered  by  his  nobles. 
They  then  conferred  the  royal  power  upon  one  of  their 
number,  Nabuna'id,  better  known  as  Nabonidus,  a 
prince  of  Babylon.  It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  what 
determined  the  choice  of  the  conspirators.  Perhaps 
it  was  because,  as  he  claims,  he  was  a  descendant  of 
the  family  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  Nergalsharuzur 
(Cor.  Inscript.  v.  6),  or,  possibly,  because,  recognizing 
that  he  had  few  of  the  qualities  of  a  statesman  or 
ruler,  they  hoped  to  retain  more  power  and  indepen- 
dence for  themselves.  In  his  coronation  inscription, 
Nabonidus  states  that  "into  the  midst  of  the  temple 
of  the  sceptre  they  brought  me,  and  their  offerings 
they  poured  out  at  my  feet,  my  feet  they  kissed,  and 
they  worshipped  my  majesty.  By  the  decree  of  the 
lord  Marduk,  I  am  raised  up  to  the  dominion  of  the 
land.  Now  they  cry,  0,  father  of  this  land,  thou  hast 
no  equal  "  (v.  1-5). 

59.  From  his  inscriptions,  as  well  as  from  the 
statements  of  the  Greek  historians,  it  is  evident  that 
his  interests  were  all  religious  and  antiquarian.  In 
the  face  of  the  imminent  danger  from  invasion,  he 
strengthened  the  huge  wall  along  the  Euphrates ;  but 
otherwise  all  of  the  recorded  activity  of  his  reign  of 


THE   ANTIQUAIIIAN  ZEAL  OF  NABONIDUS  69 

seventeen  years  consisted  in  the  restoration  of  temples. 
In  him  this  tendency  was  so  extreme  that  it  became 
grotesque.  Like  Nebuchadrezzar,  he  repaired  and 
adorned  the  sanctuaries  of  Babylon.  He  recognized 
Marduk,  Bel,  and  Nebo,  the  favorite  gods  of  his  peo- 
ple, but  his  chief  interest  centred  in  the  revival  of  the 
worship  of  the  ancient  deities.  Not  contented,  as  his 
predecessors  had  been,  with  rebuilding  ancient  temples 
on  their  traditional  sites,  he  made  careful  excavations 
to  find  their  original  foundations.  In  the  great  cylin- 
der from  Abu-IIabba,  he  tells  us :  "  I  summoned  my 
distant  subjects  from  Gaza,  on  the  borders  of  Egypt, 
by  the  upper  sea  on  the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates, 
even  to  the  lower  sea  (Persian),  kings,  princes, 
governors  and  many  men,  which  Sin,  Shamash,  and 
Ishtar,  my  lords,  had  intrusted  to  me,  to  build  the 
temple  of  Sin,  my  lord  and  savior,  which  is  situated  in 
Harran. "  Cedars  were  brought  from  Mount  Amanus, 
and  bronze,  silver,  and  gold  were  freely  used  in  beau- 
tifying this  ancient  shrine.  Similarly  the  temple 
of  Shamash  at  Sippar,  originally  founded  thirty-two 
hundred  years  before  by  the  son  of  Sargon  L,  was 
lavishly  rebuilt.  Here  an  entire  year  was  devoted  to 
excavating  for  the  original  site,  while  each  day  the 
king  uttered  fervent  prayers  for  the  success  of  the 
undertaking.  When  not  only  the  original  foundation 
of  the  temple  was  unearthed,  but  also  the  cylinder  of 
its  first  builder,  the  joy  of  the  royal  antiquarian  knew 
no  bounds. 

60.  The  same  interest  in  the  past  seems  to  have  led 
him  to  collect  many  of  the  images  of  the  gods,  and  to 
transfer  them  to  places  where  they  would  receive  bet- 
ter care.     His  aim  may  also  have  been  to  concentrate 


70    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

their  protective  power  in  Babylon.  In  one  of  his 
inscriptions  he  prays  to  Shamash,  his  favorite  god : 
"Be  gracious  to  me,  receive  my  sighs,  grant  my 
petition;  the  legitimate  crown  and  sceptre,  which 
you  have  allowed  me  to  grasp,  may  I  hold  in  my 
hand  forever  and  ever"  (Nab.  Abu-Habba,  Col.  iii. 
19-21).  Although  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  was 
deliberately  attempting  to  set  aside  the  popular  wor- 
ship, the  old  Babylonian  gods,  which  were  also  those 
of  the  Assyrians,  receive  far  more  attention  in  his 
inscriptions  than  do  Marduk  and  Nebo.  His  sub- 
jects, naturally,  could  not  understand  his  zeal  for  the 
old,  and,  therefore,  viewed  his  acts  askance;  while 
the  priests  and  worshippers  at  the  shrines  which  he 
despoiled  swelled  the  army  of  those  who  were  bit- 
terly opposed  to  him.  Perhaps  it  was  because  he 
recognized  his  growing  unpopularity,  that  he  retired 
from  Babylon  altogether,  making  his  home  at  a  town 
whose  location  is  no  longer  known.  Thus  absenting 
himself  from  his  capital,  the  great  religious  feasts, 
which  were  regarded  as  a  most  important  element 
in  the  worship  of  the  national  gods,  and  for  which 
the  presence  of  the  king  was  essential,  were  not 
observed.  Nothing  was  more  calculated  to  alienate 
a  religious  people  like  the  Babylonians,  than  these 
wide  departures  from  the  current  tradition.  Cyrus 
states  in  one  of  his  inscriptions  (L  Raw.  68,  4;  33, 
4):  "The  gods  of  Shumir  and  Akkad,  whom  Nabu- 
na'id,  arousing  the  anger  of  the  chief  of  the  gods 
(Marduk),  had  carried  away  to  Shuannaki,  I,  at  the 
command  of  Marduk,  the  great  god,  caused  to  be 
restored  to  their  places  in  accordance  with  their 
desire. " 


THE  FALSE  CONFIDENCE  OF  NABONIDUS     71 

61.  There  is  something  exceedingly  tragic  in  the 
picture  of  this  last  king  of  proud  Babylon  giving  his 
whole  attention  to  the  gods  of  the  dead  past,  thereby 
neglecting  his  duties  as  a  king  and  arousing  the  sus- 
picions and  hatred  of  his  subjects  ;  while  from  the  north, 
apparently  little  heeded  by  him,  the  dark  war  clouds 
were  approaching  ever  nearer.  The  prominent  men- 
tion of  his  oldest  son,  Belsharuzur,  in  his  inscriptions, 
as  well  as  the  policy  of  the  king,  indicate  that  he  as- 
signed to  him  an  important  place  in  the  empire,  and 
possibly  in  his  latter  days  shared  with  him  the  royal 
authority.  His  apparent  indifference  in  the  face  of 
an  overwhelming  danger  may  be  explained  by  his 
absolute  confidence  in  the  impregnability  of  the  walls 
of  Babylon  on  the  one  hand,  and,  on  the  other,  by  his 
blind  confidence  that  the  gods  would  never  desert  one 
who  had  served  them  so  faithfully  and  untiringly.  A 
sudden  and  sad  awakening  awaited  the  royal  dreamer. 

62.  The  Assyrian  kings,  in  conducting  campaign 
after  campaign  against  the  freedom-loving  tribes  living 
among  the  mountains  to  the  east  of  their  broad  empire, 
felt  that  they  were  conferring  a  great  service  upon 
their  race  in  exterminating  or  carrying  away  into 
slavery  those  peoples  who  most  seriously  menaced  their 
peace  and  independence.  Their  policy  resulted  far 
differently  from  what  they  had  imagined.  Its  very 
thoroughness  defeated  its  end,  for  the  inviting  territory 
bereft  of  inhabitants  by  their  arms,  like  a  loadstone  at- 
tracted the  Aryan  peoples,  who  during  the  eighth  century 
came  streaming  down  from  southern  Europe  and  the 
highlands  of  central  Asia.  At  first  they  were  intent 
only  upon  gaining  homes,  and  were  united  by  no  com- 
mon bond.     In  most  cases  they  affiliated  readily  with 


72     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF   JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  surviving  peoples  whom  they  found  already  in 
possession,  and  who  represented  earlier  waves  of  in- 
vasion. In  time  the  different  tribes  began  to  coalesce. 
Before  the  fall  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  large  bodies  of 
these  northern  invaders  had  established  themselves 
among  the  mountains  to  the  north.  According  to  the 
recently  discovered  inscription  of  Nabonidus,  which 
chronicles  the  destruction  of  Nineveh  (see  Appendix  L), 
rude  Aryan  hordes,  the  Umman-Manda,  at  the  sum- 
mons of  Nabopolassar,  who  had  raised  in  Babylon  the 
standard  of  revolt  against  Assyria,  completed  in  605  B.  c. 
the  destruction  of  that  great  world  power.  The  con- 
querors divided  the  territory  thus  acquired  with  the 
Babylonians.  Whenever  this  new  northern  power  is 
referred  to  in  the  contemporary  cuneiform  inscrip- 
tions it  is  called  the  empire  of  the  Umman-Manda. 
The  term  Umman-Manda  means  "  nomadic  hordes," 
and  is  the  regular  Babylonian  designation  of  those 
fierce  northern  invaders  known  to  the  Greeks  as  the 
Scythians  and  the  Cimmerians.  The  state  which  they 
founded  on  the  ruins  of  Assyria  must,  however,  be 
identical  with  the  Median  kingdom  of  the  late  Greek 
writers.  The  Madai,  during  the  flourishing  days  of 
the  Assyrian  empire,  occupied 'the  territory  to  the 
south  of  the  Caspian  Sea.  Before  or  soon  after  their 
conquest  of  Assyria,  the  northern  hordes  must  have 
overrun  Media,  conquering  and  partially  uniting  with 
the  older  population.  Tlie  amalgamation  was  the 
easier  because  they  were  of  kindred  blood.  The  desig- 
nation '^  Median "  may  therefore  have  an  historical 
basis  or  may  simply  be  due  to  the  confusion  in  later 
times  of  the  somewhat  similar  but  fundamentally 
different  terms,  Manda  and  Mada.     About  585  b.  c, 


THE  RISE   OF  CYRUS  73 

according  to  the  Greek  historians,  a  treaty  was  con- 
chided  between  Nebuchadrezzar,  the  son  of  Nabopo- 
lassar,  Alyattes  of  Lydia,  and  the  Median  king  Cyaxares, 
the  conqueror  of  Nineveh,  which  brought  nearly  thirty 
years  of  comparative  peace  and  prosperity  to  western 
Asia.  It  was,  however,  an  armed  peace.  Nebuchad- 
rezzar improved  the  years  of  quiet  to  fortify  his 
capital  and  land  strongly  against  his  northern  ally. 
The  overthrow  of  the  house  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  the 
accession  of  Nabonidus  marked  the  severance  of 
friendly  relations  between  Babylon  and  the  kingdom 
of  the  Umman-Manda.  A  kingdom  like  the  latter, 
which  had  come  into  existence  so  suddenly,  and  which 
included  many  heterogeneous  elements,  was  destined 
as  quickly  to  collapse,  whenever  the  power  which  held 
it  together  devolved  upon  a  weak  or  mediocre  ruler. 
Astyages,  the  successor  of  Cyaxares,  obviously  pos- 
sessed little  of  the  ability  of  his  predecessor.  There 
can  also  be  little  doubt  that  the  old  Median  population 
was  only  awaiting  a  strong  champion  about  whom  it 
might  rally  in  an  effort  to  throw  off  the  hated  yoke  of 
the  conqueror. 

63.  Tlie  deliverer  came,  not  from  the  Median,  but 
from  the  kindred  Persian  stock.  Cyrus  is  designated  in 
the  inscriptions  as  "  the  king  of  Anshan"  or  "  Anzan." 
Anshan  is  mentioned  in  a  very  ancient  inscription  of 
Gudea  (Sarzec,  D^couvertes  en  Chald^e,  pi.  19,  Col.  3), 
and  frequently  in  later  Assyrian  inscriptions,  and  ap- 
pears from  these  references  to  have  been  a  little  state 
located  in  northwestern  Elam  and  to  the  south  of 
Media,  among  the  mountains  northeast  of  Babylonia. 
Cyrus  gives  a  long  list  of  his  ancestors,  who,  like  him- 
self, had  ruled  in  Anshan,  and  tells  us  that  he  became 


74    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

king  in  559  b.  c.  It  is  exceedingly  probable  that  be- 
fore he  suddenly  emerged  into  world-wide  prominence, 
his  sway  was  acknowledged  by  the  Elamite  tribes  who 
had  survived  the  calamities  which  had  overtaken  their 
nation  (Ezek.  xxxii.  24).  In  the  great  cylinder  of 
Nabonidus  it  is  stated  that  "  Cyrus,  the  king  of  Anzan, 
his  (Astyages)  insignificant  vassal,  scattered  with  his 
few  troops  the  numerous  Scythians  (Umman-Manda). 
Astyages,  their  king,  he  captured  and  carried  away  in 
bonds  to  his  land  "  (i.  28-33).  The  inscription  evi- 
dently dates  from  soon  after  this  event,  for  the  victory 
of  Cyrus  over  the  Scythians  is  viewed  by  the  Babylo- 
nians, not  with  alarm,  but  as  in  perfect  accord  with 
the  will  of  their  god  Marduk,  and,  therefore,  as  an 
occasion  for  rejoicing.  The  Nabonidus-Cyrus  Chroni- 
cle gives  a  fuller  account  of  the  great  victory  whereby 
"  the  insignificant  vassal "  of  Astyages  became  master 
of  the  old  Median  empire.  "  Astyages  assembled  his 
army  and  advanced  against  Cyrus,  king  of  Anshan. 
.  .  .  The  people  of  Astyages  rebelled  against  him  ;  he 
was  taken  captive  and  handed  over  to  Cyrus.  Cyrus 
advanced  toward  Ecbatana,  the  capital ;  the  silver, 
gold,  and  possessions  of  the  territory  of  Ecbatana  he 
carried  forth  and  brought  to  Anshan  "  (i.  1-4).  The 
date  of  this  event  was  549  b,  c.  The  cause  of  the 
revolt  of  the  Median  subjects  of  Astyages  was  evi- 
dently their  dislike  for  the  barbarous  rule  of  the 
Umman-Manda.  The  facts  also  explain  why  the 
Medes  were  regarded  as  co-partners  with  the  Persians 
in  the  empire  which  resulted  from  this  victory.  The 
statement  of  the  Persian  historian,  Ctesias,  that  most 
of  the  successes  of  Cyrus  were  purchased  by  intrigue 
and  deceit,  may  not  be  entirely  without  foundation. 


THE   EARLIER   CONQUESTS   OF  CYRUS  75 

The  most  probable  basis  for  the  tradition  of  Herodotus, 
that  the  Scythian  princes  were  treacherously  murdered, 
is  found  in  the  events  of  549  b.  c.  Henceforth  Cyrus 
figured  as  the  regular  successor  to  the  Median  throne, 
and  devoted  the  years  immediately  following  to  estab- 
lishing his  claim.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  biblical 
writers  continued  to  speak  of  the  new  empire  as  the 
Median.  In  546  b.  c.  Cyrus  appears  for  the  first  time 
with  the  title  ''  King  of  Persia." 

64.  The  new  conqueror  combined  with  the  ability 
of  a  great  commander  the  skill  of  a  diplomat  and  the 
prudence  of  a  wise  statesman.  He  knew  how  to  wait 
as  well  as  how  to  lead  a  sudden  attack.  In  the  year 
547  B.  c.  he  crossed  the  Tigris  and  conquered  and  sub- 
jugated the  broad  plains  of  Mesopotamia,  lying  to  the 
north  of  Babylon,  which  had  been  held  by  Astyages, 
but  temporarily  seized  by  Nabonidus  (Nab. -Cyrus  Chr. 
i.  15-17).  Thus  he  established  early  in  his  career  a 
base  for  an  attack  upon  his  still  powerful  rival ;  but 
there  is  no  positive  evidence  that  he  ventured  it  at 
that  time.  Apparently  recognizing  the  impregnable 
nature  of  the  huge  walls  which  encircled  Babylon,  he 
wisely  hesitated  to  press  at  once  his  conquests  in  that 
quarter.  Instead  he  seems  to  have  instituted  intrigues 
calculated  to  alienate  still  further  the  lukewarm  loyalty 
which  the  Babvlonians  felt  for  their  stransie  kinj?. 

%^.  Cyrus  meantime,  in  546  b.  c,  turned  his  atten- 
tion to  the  old  feud  between  the  Medes  and  the  Lydians, 
who,  under  their  wealthy  king,  Croesus,  were  masters 
of  central  Asia  Minor.  The  Lydian  king  assumed  the 
offensive,  and  in  Cappadocia  an  indecisive  battle  was 
fought  (Herod,  i.  76).  When  Croesus  retired,  deem- 
ing the  campaign  of  the  year  at  an  end,  Cyrus  fol- 


76    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OE  JEWISH  HISTORY 

lowed  him,  met  and  defeated  his  arm}^  and  was  soon 
in  possession  of  his  capital,  Sardis.  The  Greek  col- 
onies in  Asia  Minor  were  next  attacked.  Some  of 
them  submitted  readily,  while  others  made  a  valiant 
resistance ;  but  the  lack  of  united  organization  among 
the  Greeks  gave  Cyrus  the  advantage,  so  that  in  time 
he  was  able  to  extend  his  rule  to  the  ^Egean  Sea. 
Keturning  to  his  capital,  he  next  successfully  directed 
his  armies  against  the  half-civilized  hordes  to  the 
east  of  his  empire.  Not  until  538  b.  c.  were  condi- 
tions ripe  for  the  conquest  of  the  proud  mistress  of 
the  lower  Euphrates.  The  ultimate  result  of  the 
impending  struggle  had  long  been  evident  to  all  who 
recognized  the  marked  superiority  of  Persian  arms 
over  those  of  any  other  people  in  southwestern  Asia. 
To  those  who  were  cognizant  of  the  internal  weakness 
and  corruption  of  the  Babylonian  empire,  it  was 
obvioos  that  the  fruit  for  which  Cyrus  had  waited  so 
long  was  ripe  for  the  plucking. 

66.  The  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  Jewish  exiles 
in  Babylon,  v/hile  Cyras  was  engaged  in  his  career  of 
conquest,  can  be  imagined;  but,  fortunately^  we  are 
not  left  to  conjecture.  Through  all  the  dark  period 
which  had  preceded  this  promise  of  a  dawn,  the  more 
faithful  ones,  like  Ezekiel,  had  cherished  the  firm 
belief  that  an  opportunity  would  yet  be  given  to  them 
to  return.  Jeremiah's  bold  assurance  that  Jehovah 
would  not  forget  his  loving  purpose  toward  his  scat- 
tered people,  and  that  he  would  again  plant  them  in 
Canaan,  never  again  to  be  torn  up,  had  kept  alive 
their  much -tried  faith.  Babylon's  rule  was  recog- 
nized by  all  as  the  first  barrier  which  must  be  removed 
before  the  way  would  be  opened  for  a  return,  for  "  they 


JOY  AT  THE   PROSPECT  OF   BABYLON'S  FALL      77 

who  took  them  captives  held  them  fast ;  they  refused 
to  let  them  go  "  (Jer.  1.  33).  When  the  mighty  city 
began  to  totter,  it  is  not  strange  that  joy  filled  every 
Jewish  heart.  Sighs  of  relief  and  cries  of  thanksgiv- 
ing burst  from  many  lips.  If  these  found  too  open 
expression,  and  brought  upon  the  exiles  the  persecu- 
tions of  their  masters,  it  only  made  them  the  more 
eager  for  the  consummation. 

67.  A  chorus  of  minor  prophets,  disciples  of 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel,  made  Babylon's  ap- 
proaching downfall  the  theme  of  their  message.  They 
present  vividly  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  exiles  in 
the  East.  At  Jehovah's  command,  they  saw  his  con- 
secrated ones,  the  multitudes  of  the  nations,  headed 
by  the  Medes,  whom  no  bribes  would  turn  back,  ad- 
vancing to  execute  judgment  upon  guilty  Babylon 
(Isa.  xiv.  ;  xxi.  1-10).  Graphically  they  pictured  the 
details  of  the  siege:  "The  land  trembles.  The 
mighty  men  of  Babylon  cease  to  fight.  They  remain 
in  their  strongholds.  Their  might  has  failed.  They 
are  become  as  women.  Her  dwelling-places  are  on 
fire.  Her  defences  are  broken.  One  post  shall  run 
to  meet  another,  and  one  messenger  to  meet  another, 
to  show  the  king  of  Babylon  that  his  city  is  taken  on 
every  quarter "  (Jer.  li.  29-31).  Complacently  they 
described  the  complete  ruin  and  desolation  soon  to 
overtake  the  city,  which  they  regarded  as  the  person- 
ification of  greed,  corruption,  oppression,  and  idola- 
try. From  their  high  towers  they  perceived  that 
Babylon  had  ceased  to  be  a  useful  instrument  in  the 
hand  of  Jehovah,  and  hence  it  must  be  destroyed. 
From  their  point  of  view,  it  Avas  not  strange  that  they 
regarded  this  act  as  a  punishment  for  the  wrongs  done 


78    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

to  their  city  and  temple  (Jer.  li.  11,  24).  In  a  sense 
they  were  right,  for  Babylon's  downfall  was  the  direct 
consequence  of  the  cruel,  rapacious  policy  which 
brought  to  the  great  city  its  wealth,  and  with  that, 
the  resulting  luxury  and  corruption  which,  in  turn, 
proved  its  undoing.  '  Its  conquest  by  Cyrus  introduced 
a  new  and  nobler  chapter  of  human  history.  Above 
all,  it  made  possible  the  re-building  of  Jerusalem  and 
the  temple,  which  were  destined  again  to  give  to  the 
Jewish  race  a  centre  about  which  their  national  and 
religious  life  might  crystallize. 


VIII 

THE  MESSAGE  OF  THE  GREAT  PEOPHET  OF   THE  EXILE 

68.  Of  all  the  exiles  who  eagerly  watched  the  vic- 
torious progress  of  Cyrus,  none  understood  so  fully 
its  true  significance  as  the  great  unknown  prophet 
from  whom  came  the  messages  preserved  in  chapters 
xl.  to  Iv.  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah.  Rising  above  the 
confusion  and  humiliation  of  the  present,  he  caught 
glimpses  of  the  eternal  purpose  which  was  being 
worked  out  in  human  history,  and  of  the  principles 
in  accordance  with  which  it  must  be  realized.  For- 
cibly and  beautifully  he  interpreted  to  his  own  and 
succeeding  ages  the  results  of  his  inspired  vision.  In 
him  Hebrew  prophecy  reached  its  highest  expression. 
Accepting  the  principles  enunciated  by  his  great 
predecessors,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel,  he  her- 
alded the  universal  kingdom  of  God,  in  which,  not 
might,  but  self-sacrifice  was  to  be  the  ruling  force. 
While  he  was  an  idealist,  living  in  a  future  which 
proved  far  more  distant  than  he  anticipated,  he  rec- 
ognized and  dealt  most  practically  with  the  needs  of 
the  moment.  His  first  aim  was  to  arouse  the  enthu- 
siasm and  patriotism  of  his  apathetic  fellow-exiles, 
that  they  might  turn  their  backs  upon  the  comforts 
of  Babylon,  and,  in  the  face  of  seemingly  superhuman 
obstacles,  devote  themselves  and  their  all  to  the  noble 


80    THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

task  of  reviving  their  dismembered  state.  He  fully 
realized  that  the  future  of  their  race  and  of  the  re- 
ligion of  Jehovah  depended  largely  upon  their  action 
when  the  opportunity  came.  It  was  a  crisis  even 
greater  than  that  which  arose  when  Jerusalem  was 
destroyed,  for  if  the  Jews  neglected  their  supreme 
opportunity,  their  end  would  be  far  more  shameful 
than  that  of  the  northern  Israelites.  The  prophet's 
words  were  primarily  addressed  to  his  fellow-coun- 
trymen in  Babylon,  but  the  appeal  was  to  all  who 
would  respond  to  the  needs  of  the  hour,  wherever  the 
upheaval  of  586  b.  c.  had  cast  them. 

69.  The  prophet's  message  opens  with  the  joyful 
proclamation  that  Israel's  period  of  hardship  is  over 
(xl.  1,  2),  With  the  combined  power  of  logic  and 
rhetoric,  the  awful  doubts  which  paralyzed  the  exiles 
were  met,  and  glorious  hopes  substituted.  We  can 
hear  him,  like  Ezekiel,  reasoning  with  his  flock:  "Do 
you  fear  that  Jehovah  has  forgotten  and  will  not  vin- 
dicate you  (xl.  27)  ?  Already  he  is  preparing  to 
accomplish  for  you  a  mighty  work  of  deliverance  (xl. 
3-5).  Like  a  tender  shepherd  he  will  gather  his  peo- 
ple (xl.  11).  Do  you  fear  that  your  masters  will  not 
let  you  go  ?  At  Jehovah's  command  the  peoples  who 
now  hold  you  in  slavery  shall  themselves  bring  you 
back.  Kings  and  queens,  bowing  humbly  before  the 
Lord,  shall  supply  your  every  want.  Then  you  shall 
know  that  Jehovah  is  a  God  who  never  fails  those 
who  wait  for  him  (xlix.  22,  23).  Do  the  perils  of 
the  long  journey  back  to  your  native  land  appall  you  ? 
Jehovah  declares  that  he  will  make  the  desert  a  para- 
dise before  you,  so  that  you  will  be  able  to  return 
without  danger  or  discomfort  (xli.  18-20).     Does  the 


THE  CERTAINTY  OF  DELIVERANCE  EROM  BABYLON  81 

present  desolation  of  Jiidah  discourage  you  ?  Barren 
Jerusalem  shall  again  be  inhabited  and  the  land,  as 
of  old,  studded  with  prosperous  cities  (xliv.  26).  As 
suppliants,  shall  proud  and  rich  nations  come  bring- 
ing to  you  their  wealth.  Best  of  all,  that  peace  and 
prosperity  shall  continue,  not  for  a  passing  moment, 
but  forever;  and  your  present  woe  shall  be  but  a 
horrible  dream  of  the  past  (xlv.  14-17).  Upon  your 
descendants  also  shall  rest  Jehovah's  blessing  and  the 
benign,  reviving,  transforming  influence  of  his  spirit 
(xliv.  3). 

70.  "  But  some  of  you  question,  '  What  proof  is  there 
that  these  glorious  predictions  will  be  fulfilled  ? '  The 
sole  and  sufficient  assurance  is  found  in  the  character 
of  the  God  who  thus  promises.  He,  who  proclaims 
himself  to  be  your  Redeemer,  is  also  your  Creator. 
Jehovah  is  he  who  rules  the  universe  and  guides  with 
omnipotent  hand  all  human  events  (xliv.  24,  25). 
Consider  the  utter  folly  of  fearing  the  Babylonians, 
your  present  masters,  whose  gods  are  the  creations  of 
their  own  hands  and  fancies,  and  who  possess  no 
power  to  deliver  either  themselves  or  their  devotees. 
The  proud  nations  of  the  earth  are  but  infinitesimal 
particles  in  the  great  universe  which  Jehovah  directs 
with  such  wisdom  and  precision  (xl.  12-26),  If  you 
question  his  ability  and  readiness  to  save,  remember 
how  he  has  revealed  himself  in  your  past  history 
(xliii.  2).  Above  all,  he  is  a  God  of  absolute  right- 
eousness (xlv.  19).  Recall  also  how,  from  the  earli- 
est history  of  your  race,  he  has  tenderly  cared  for  you. 
His  love  has  far  surpassed  that  of  a  mother  toward 
her  helpless  child  (xlvi.  3,  4;  xlix.  15,  16).  Surely 
you  cannot,  for  a  moment,  doubt  the  promise  of  such 


82     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

a  God,  infinite  in  power,  all  wise,   all  just,   and  all 
loving. 

71.  "If  you  but  open  your  eyes  you  will  see  the  in- 
strument wherewith  he  is  to  accomplish  your  deliver- 
ance. For  your  sakes  he  is  giving  victory  after  victory 
to  that  obscure  eastern  prince,  who  already  has  be- 
come master  of  the  powerful  Median  empire  (xli.  1-4, 
25).  It  may  not  be  in  accord  with  your  expectations, 
but  I  tell  you  that  this  Cyrus  is,  indeed,  Jehovah's 
Messiah,  anointed  to  prepare  the  way  for  your  resto- 
ration (xlv.  1-13;  xlviii.  14-16),  In  view  of  Jeho- 
vah's purpose  to  deliver  —  a  purpose  which  already 
is  on  the  verge  of  being  accomplished  —  the  fall  of 
proud  Babylon  is  imminent.  No  longer,  0  arrogant 
Babylonians,  will  you  compel  the  nations  to  pander  to 
your  love  of  luxury.  For  your  cruelty  toward  his 
people,  whom  he  for  a  time  intrusted  to  your  care, 
destruction  shall  fall  upon  you.  Vainglorious,  cor- 
rupt, superstitious  city !  All  your  boasted  wisdom, 
your  far-famed  magical  formulas,  and  the  skill  of 
your  astrologers,  shall  not  deliver  you  from  the  ven- 
geance which  Jehovah  will  speedily  visit  upon  you 
(xlvii.). 

72.  "  Do  you  wish  to  know,  O  exiles,  why  Jehovah 
has  chosen  you  as  a  race  from  all  the  peoples  of  the 
earth,  and  why,  therefore,  he  will  surely  redeem  you  ? 
It  is  because  it  is  his  immutable  and  righteous  pur- 
pose to  lead  all  mankind  to  know  and  worship  him 
(xlv.  23).  You,  he  has  called  to  serve  him,  in  realiz- 
ing that  purpose.  You,  indeed,  are  his  witnesses  be- 
fore the  world.  He  has  created  and  trained  you,  that 
you  may  set  forth  his  praise  (xliii.  10,  12,  21).  For 
the  uplifting  of  mankind  he  requires  a  servant  who, 


JEHOVAH'S   PEOPLE   CHOSEN  FOR   SERVICE  83 

amidst  persecution  and  humiliation,  ever  responsive 
to  the  divine  teaching  and  direction,  will  devote  him- 
self wholly  and  completely  to  the  exalted  task  of  pro- 
claiming his  divine  will  (xlii.  1-4,  6,  7;  xlix.  3,  5- 
13).  That  you  might  be  prepared  for  that  sublime 
service,  0  Israelites,  Jehovah  has  spared  no  effort. 
With  that  end  in  view,  he  chose  you,  the  seed  of 
Abraham,  and  brought  you  from  the  ends  of  the 
earth,  cared  for  and  designated  you  as  his  servant. 
Indeed,  he  is  still  upholding  you,  protecting  you  from 
your  foes,  and  encouraging  you  in  face  of  danger  (xl. 
8-13).  Freely  he  has  forgiven  your  sins,  and  now 
he  is  eager  to  have  you  return  to  him  (xliv.  21,  22). 
Througliout  your  history  he  has  bestowed  upon  you  all 
the  tender  care  and  solicitude  which  a  loving  heart 
can  give  (xlvi.  3,  4).  When  blessings  failed  to  lead 
you  into  the  path  of  loving  obedience,  his  tender  care 
for  you  found  expression  in  discipline,  that  it  might 
awaken  you  to  your  duties  and  opportunities  (xlii. 
23,  25).   ■ 

73.  ''Justly  does  Jehovah  expect  you,  his  chosen 
people,  to  be  a  faithful  servant,  prepared  for  any  ser- 
vice ;  but  alas !  what  does  he  find  ?  Like  your  fore- 
fathers, to  whom  the  great  Isaiah  spoke,  you  are 
blind,  so  that  you  do  not  see  the  truth,  and  deaf,  so 
that  you  do  not  hear  the  call  to  service.  Even  the 
refining  fire  of  discipline  has  failed  to  arouse  you 
from  the  deep  lethargy  which  has  taken  possession  of 
you  (xlii.  18-25).  Instead  you  only  say,  despond- 
ently :  '  Jehovah  has  abandoned  me  '  (xlix.  14).  Your 
God  has  not  demanded  costly  sacrifices;  but  you 
have  not  even  presented  what  was  easily  in  your  power 
to  give.     The  only  offerings  which  you  have  brought 


84    THE  BABYL0:MAN  PEKIOD  of  JEWISH   HISTORY 

to  him  have  been  jour  sins  (xliii.  23,  24).  Submis- 
sion and  purity  of  life  are  the  first  requisites  for 
service;  but  alas!  you  are  obdurate  and  far  fr6m 
righteousness  (xlvi.  12).  With  your  lips  you  profess 
allegiance  to  Jehovah,  but  your  acts  belie  your  words. 
Obstinately  you  have  refused  to  give  heed  to  his  com- 
mands. Treacherously  hcive  you  dealt  with  him " 
(xlviii.  1-4,  8). 

T4.  Thus  when  the  prophet,  with  his  enlightened 
eye,  reviewed  the  past  history  of  his  people  and 
studied  the  character  and  attitude  of  those  to  whom 
he  wrote,  he  was  forced  to  admit  that  they  were  by  no 
means  prepared  to  perform  the  great  service  necessary 
for  the  salvation  of  their  race  and  of  mankind.  Hence, 
while  still  speaking  to  his  contemporaries,  he  was 
led  repeatedly  to  turn  from  the  imperfect  and  dis- 
couraging reality  to  describe  the  perfect  type  of  ser- 
vant who  must  appear  before  Jehovah's  loving  purpose 
could  be  accomplished.  Many  analogies  might  be 
cited  from  the  history  of  Hebrew  prophecy.  Hosea 
frequently  paused  in  the  midst  of  his  bitterest  denun- 
ciations to  portray  the  glories  of  the  day  when  the 
Israelites  would  again  be  reconciled  to  Jehovah. 
Jeremiah,  as  he  sat  among  the  ruins  of  Jerusalem, 
painted  in  most  glowing  colors  the  picture  of  the 
restored  city  and  people  (Jer.  xxx.  :  xxxi.).  Indeed, 
tlie  form  of  most  Messianic  prophecies,  which  are  but 
the  foreshadowing  of  the  one  great  divine  purpose 
being  realized  in  human  history,  is  determined  by  the 
conditions  and,  especially,  the  needs  of  the  age  in 
which  the  prophet  lived.  Naturally  he  placed  the 
ideal  and  the  sad  reality  side  by  side,  and  thus,  by 
contrast,  brought  out  each  in  stronger  colors. 


MEANING  OF  THE  TITLE  "  SEEVANT  OF  JEHOVAH  "     85 

75.  It  is  significant  that  in  Isaiah  xl.  to  Iv.  there  is 
no  reference  to  a  Jewish  Messiah.  The  term  had 
come  to  be  associated  with  the  royal  house  of  David, 
which  had  already  begun  to  sink  into  merited  oblivion. 
The  one  Messiah  mentioned  is  Cyrus,  and  his  mission 
is  clearly  defined.  The  prophetic  conception  of  the 
divine  purpose  had  so  far  expanded  that  it  could  no 
longer  be  represented  by  the  imagery  of  a  temporal 
kingdom.  A  new  and  more  comprehensive  termi- 
nology was  demanded  to  describe  the  fuller  revelation. 
Thus  it  was  that  the  familiar  title,  "  servant  of  Jeho- 
vah," became  the  keynote  of  the  prophecy.  Already 
it  had  been  applied  to  the  patriarchs,  to  Moses, 
Joshua,  David,  Solomon,  and  most  of  the  pre-exilic 
prophets.  In  Deuteronomy  xxxii.  36,  43,  the  people 
of  Israel  are  addressed  as  the  "servants  of  Jehovah;" 
while  to  the  prophets  as  a  class  the  designation  was 
often  given.  In  its  origin  the  Hebrew  word  translated 
"  servant "  also  means  "  slave. "  Its  essential  idea  is 
that  of  the  complete  dependence  and  submission  of 
the  one  thus  designated  to  his  master.  Vassal  princes 
spoke  of  themselves  as  the  slaves  or  servants  of  their 
conqueror.  A  high  official  or  commander-in-chief  of 
an  army  was  addressed  as  the  "servant  of  the  king." 
In  something  of  the  same  sense  Moses  is  spoken  of  as 
the  "servant  of  Jehovah."  So,  also,  the  prophets 
were  Jehovah's  ambassadors,  intrusted  with  an  im- 
portant mission,  which  they  were  under  obligations 
to  perform  at  any  cost  to  themselves.  The  term 
"servant  of  Jehovah,"  therefore,  suggests  the  rela- 
tionship, on  the  one  hand,  of  the  divine  master  com- 
manding and  supporting,  and,  on  the  other,  the  attitude 
of  careful  attendance  and  ready,  faithful  obedience. 


86     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

76.  The  original  of  the  familiar  term  "Messiah, 
anointed,"  as  used  by  the  prophets,  was  practically 
the  same,  for  whoever  in  the  Old  Testament  was 
called  a  Messiah  —  whether  he  was  a  king,  like  Saul, 
or  whether  he  was  one  of  the  patriarchs,  or  the  whole 
people  Israel  —  was  so  designated,  to  indicate  by  the 
use  of  the  familiar  figure  of  anointing,  that  he  was 
especially  chosen  and  consecrated  to  do  a  certain  work. 
The  best  illustration  of  the  practical  identity  of  the 
two  terms  is  the  fact  that  of  the  two  most  prominent 
men  of  the  age,  the  one,  Nebuchadrezzar,  is  called 
"the  servant  of  Jehovah,"  and  the  other,  Cyrus, 
"Jehovah's  Messiali."  In  Psalm  Ixxxix,  50,  51,  also, 
the  terms  "  servants  "  and  "  Messiah  "  are  used  as  inter- 
changeable synonyms,  both  being  applied  to  the  faith- 
ful in  the  Jewish  community. 

77.  The  four  passages  in  which  the  prophet  portrays 
his  ideal  of  the  perfect  servant  of  Jehovah,  who  alone 
can  accomplish  the  divine  will,  constitute  in  themselves 
a  unit,  each  adding  to  tho  completeness  of  the  picture. 
Placing  ourselves  among  the  exiles,  we  can  hear  in 
imagination  the  inspiring  message  of  the  prophet  : 
"  Behold,  mankind,  the  type  of  servant  who  will  receive 
Jehovah's  complete  approval  and  support,  and  upon 
whom  he  will  bestow  the  light  and  power  of  his  own 
spirit,  that  the  one  thus  equipped  may  make  known  his 
divine  law  to  all  nations.  Quietly  and  unostentatiously, 
with  none  of  the  destructive  methods  of  the  old 
prophets,  but  carefully  considering  the  needs  of  the 
weak,  in  perfect  accord  with  the  standards  of  truth, 
shall  the  faithful  servant  of  Jehovah  go  about  his 
spiritual  mission  of  proclaiming  God's  law  to  men. 
He  shall  not  waver  nor  be  discouraged  until  he  has 


THE   MISSION  OF   THE   SERVANT  OF  JEHOVAH      87 

established  on  the  earth  this  divine  law,  of  which  the 
nations  are  in  such  need.  Jehovah,  the  creator  of  the 
universe  and  the  source  of  all  human  life,  declares 
that,  in  accordance  with  his  righteous  purpose,  he  will 
uphold  his  servant  and  make  him  the  medium  for  the 
establishment  of  a  covenant  between  himself  and  his 
people,  and  a  source  of  spiritual  light  to  all  nations. 
His  servant,  surpassing  his  yoke-fellows,  the  former 
prophets,  shall  also  be  instrumental  in  opening  to 
truth,  eyes  now  blind,  in  bringing  freedom  to  those 
now  imprisoned,  and  in  delivering  from  bondage  the 
victims  of  suffering  and  sin  (xlii.  1-7). 

78.  ''  Give  heed,  0  peoples  far  and  near,  to  the 
declaration  of  the  servant  respecting  his  relation  to 
Jehovah  and  concerning  the  character  of  his  mission  : 
'  From  my  birth  Jehovah  called  me,  prepared  me  for 
effective  service,  and  protected  me  from  all  harm.  To 
me  he  has  said :  ''  You  are  my  servant, the  true  Israel,  by 
whom  I  shall  be  honored."  I  replied  :  "  Alas  !  it  seems 
as  though  my  strenuous  efforts  (to  regenerate  Israel) 
had  been  in  vain  ;  but  I  can  rest  calmly  in  the  assurance 
that  they  will  be  vindicated  and  rewarded  by  Jehovah." 
Then  he,  who  created,  strengthened,  and  intrusted  me 
with  the  mission  of  bringing  back  his  people,  Israel,  into 
loving  accord  with  him,  responded  :  "  You  are  capable 
of  a  greater  service  than  the  mere  restoration  of  tlie 
remnant  of  your  kinsmen,  the  Israelites.  I  accordingly 
appoint  you  to  bring  spiritual  enlightenment  to  all 
peoples,  and  a  knowledge  of  my  salvation  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth."  '  Jehovah  further  declared  to  his  servant, 
now  so  heartily  despised  by  mankind  and  the  slave  of 
rulers :  '  The  time  is  yet  coming  when  you  shall 
accomplish  the  work  in  which  you  now  seem  to  have 


88     THE   BABYLONIAN  PEEIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

failed.  Then  kings  shall  be  eager  to  do  you  homage, 
because  I,  who  appointed  you  to  your  mission,  am 
faithful.  Yerily,  I  will  not  fail  you,  but  will  cause  you 
to  establish  a  new  covenant  between  me  and  my  people, 
and  to  bring  about  a  glorious  restoration  of  the  exiles 
now  so  widely  scattered'  (xlix.  1-13). 

70.  "  Listen  again  to  the  testimony  of  the  servant  ; 
'Jehovah  has  given  me  the  facility,  which  alone  comes 
from  attentively  heeding  his  teaching,  so  that  I  am 
able  to  impart  a  message  of  help  to  those  who  need. 
Daily,  constantly  he  instructs  me,  and  I  have  ever 
eagerly  listened  and  been  ready  to  respond  to  the  call 
to  service.  Patiently  have  I  submitted  to  persecution, 
humiliation,  and  derision.  Serenely  confident  that 
Jehovah  would  help  me,  I  faltered  not ;  for  I  knew  that 
I  should  never  be  put  to  shame.  He,  who  will  vindicate 
me,  is  at  hand,  so  that  no  one  can  condemn  me.  In- 
deed, complete  destruction  shall  come  upon  those  who 
attempt  it.'  Such  is  the  experience  and  testimony  of 
the  true  servant  of  Jehovah.  Well  do  you  who  fear 
the  Lord,  and  are  seeking  amidst  darkness  for  light, 
heed  and  profit  thereby  (1.  4-10). 

80.  "  Know  also  Jehovah's  final  testimony  respecting 
the  character  and  work  of  his  servant  :  '  Behold, 
supreme  success  shall  crown  the  wise  efforts  of  my 
servant,  so  that  he  shall  be  greatly  exalted.  Just  as  in 
the  past  many  were  astounded  because  of  the  over- 
whelming afflictions  which  were  visited  upon  him,  so 
shall  nations  and  the  rulers  of  the  earth  stand  rever- 
entially before  him,  realizing  in  the  light  of  his  exalta- 
tion what  no  one  had  suspected  before '  (lii.  13-15). 
Succeeding  generations  also  shall  look  back  upon  his 
work    and    exclaim :     '  Who   believed    the   prophetic 


SERVICE  PERFECTED  THROUGH   SUFFERING         89 

revelation  respecting  the  servant,  and  understood  the 
divine  purpose  which  was  being  accomplished  through 
him  ?  Unattractive,  despised,  afflicted  by  disease, 
avoided  by  his  fellows  as  an  outcast,  we  turned  away 
from  him  in  horror.  Deluded  by  the  old  theory  of  suf- 
fering, we  despised  him.  And  yet,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  he  was  sick  that  we  might  be  well ;  this  one,  whom 
we  deemed  cursed  by  God,  was  bearing  our  pains  ;  he 
was  wounded  because  we  had  transgressed.  The  peace 
which  we  enjoyed  was  secured  through  his  punish- 
ment. We  had  wandered  far  from  Jehovah,  doing  our 
own  will,  while  upon  him  the  Lord  caused  to  fall  the 
consequences  of  our  sins'  (liii.  1-6).  When  perse- 
cuted, this  martyr  servant  of  Jehovah  voluntarily,  sub- 
missively, in  silence  endured,  while  tyranny,  under  the 
guise  of  law,  unjustly  condemned  him.  Thus  for  the 
sins  of  humanity  he  was  prematurely  and  violently  cut 
off.  Although  absolutely  innocent,  even  after  death  he 
was  entombed  with  criminals.  And  yet,  this  was  no 
mere  accident,  but  in  perfect  accordance  with  the 
divine  will,  for  by  being  thus  afflicted  and  by  giving  his 
life  as  an  offering  for  others'  guilt,  the  servant  was  des- 
tined to  live  immortally  in  the  lives  of  his  spiritual  off- 
spring and  to  realize  the  eternal  purpose  of  Jehovah. 
After  his  pain  and  trial  is  over,  he  shall  enjoy  the 
consciousness  of  having  made  many  righteous.  His 
shall  be  the  glory  of  a  mighty  victor,  because  by  humilia- 
tion and  a  supreme  self-sacrifice,  he  bore  the  sin  and 
successfully  interceded  for  the  guilty"  (liii.  7-12). 

81.  No  one  will  deny  that  the  character  of  the 
servant  of  Jehovah,  as  portrayed  in  these  sections, 
presents  many  perplexing  questions.  The  first  one 
usually  asked  is:  "Who  was  this  unique  servant  of 


90    THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Jehovah  ?  "  Surely  the  prophet  could  not  have  meant 
to  identify  himself  with  that  servant;  nor  did  any 
prophet  v^ho  had  preceded  him,  even  the  great  Jere- 
miah, do  more  than  suggest,  by  character  and  experi- 
ence, certain  outlines  of  the  portrait.  Much  less  can 
it  be  the  Jewish  people  as  a  whole  of  which  he  is 
speaking;  indeed,  it  is  repeatedly  stated  that  one  of 
the  chief  aims  in  the  mission  of  the  servant  is  to  re- 
store the  remnant  of  Israel  to  their  true  relations  with 
Jehovah  (xlii.  6 ;  xlix.  5,  6).  Even  the  faithful  few 
within  the  nation,  who  heard  and  heeded  the  words  of 
their  prophets,  cannot  be  the  original  of  the  picture 
before  us.  Bat  we  may  further  aslc.  Was  the  prophet 
necessarily  describing  a  dclinite  person  or  groups  of 
individuals  ?  In  practical  human  experience,  the 
presentation  of  an  ideal  usually  long  precedes  its 
realization.  The  Hebrew  prophets  were  constantly 
drawing  new  sketches  of  a  perfect  ruler  and  political 
state,  although  the  best  the  world  had  yet  seen  were 
imperfect  in  comparison.  They  continued  to  present 
new  ideals,  because,  being  wise  teachers,  they  recog- 
nized that  the  only  way  to  lead  humanity  to  rise 
above  its  low  standards,  was  by  holding  up  before  it 
the  higher  which  had  been  revealed  to  them.  The 
great  prophet  of  the  exile  was  in  this  respect  no  ex- 
ception. By  the  most  effective  means  at  his  command, 
he  was  endeavoring  to  influence  his  fellow-exiles,  and 
especially  the  more  faithful,  to  strive  themselves  to  be 
true  servants  of  Jehovah.  In  one  suggestive  passage, 
after  presenting  most  graphically  the  experience  of  the 
servant,  he  turns  to  those  of  his  readers  "who  fear  the 
Lord  "  and  urges  them  to  learn  from  the  experience  of 
the  servant  the  lesson  of  submission  and  fidelity  (1.  10). 


THE   REALIZATION   OF  THE   IDEAL  OF   SERVICE      91 

82.  Like  all  the  prophets  who  caught  glimpses  of 
the  perfection,  ultimately  destined  in  accordance  with 
the  divine  plan  to  succeed  existing  imperfection,  he 
was  obliged  to  look  to  the  future  for  the  fulfilment  of 
his  supernatural  ideal.  It  is  obvious  that  he  did  not 
foresee  that  fulfilment  as  do  we  who  stand  in  the 
full  light  of  history.  Like  the  architect  of  a  great 
mediaeval  cathedral,  he  saw  only  in  imagination  the 
marvellous  creation  which  he  outlined.  It  was  his 
privilege  to  indicate  the  processes  by  which  it  was  to 
be  reared,  but  not  to  know  personally  the  men  and 
forces  who,  in  succeeding  ages,  were  to  make  the  divine 
plan  a  material  reality.  As  we  follow  the  history 
of  Judaism,  we  find  a  partial  realization,  in  the  ex- 
periences and  work  of  the  faithful  few,  who  resisted 
the  temptations  offered  to  the  Jews  to  forget  their 
nationality  and  to  enjoy  the  opportunities  offered  by 
the  land  of  their  adoption,  and  who  went  back  to  join 
their  poverty-stricken  kinsmen  in  rebuilding,  amidst 
persecutions  and  distress,  the  city  of  sacred  memories. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  builders  of  the  second 
temple  publicly  styled  themselves  "the  servants  of  the 
God  of  heaven  and  earth"  (Ezra  v.  11),  for  the  term 
suggests  a  familiarity  with  the  message  of  the  great 
prophet.  By  their  voluntary  self-sacrifice  they  did 
the  work  which  their  less  devoted  countrymen  spurned, 
and  revived  that  community  which  became  the  reposi- 
tory of  God's  supreme  revelation  to  the  human  race. 
In  time,  too,  Judaism  began,  as  a  body,  to  recognize 
its  prophetic  mission  to  humanity,  and  to  seek  to 
lead  the  heathen  to  a  knowledge  of  the  one  true  God. 
Their  attainment  of  the  ideal,  it  must  be  confessed, 
was  incomplete  and  partial  compared  with  its  fulfil- 


92     THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD    OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

mcnt  in  the  character  and  -work  of  the  great  teacher 
of  Nazareth,  who,  both  as  prophet  and  martyr,  com- 
pletely realized  and  eclipsed  the  sublime  portrait  of 
the  suffering  servant  of  Jehovah.  Alone  sinless,  he 
stood  before  humanity  as  its  sin-bearer,  transforming 
the  hard  heart  of  mankind  by  the  irresistible  influ- 
ence of  a  love  expressed  in  voluntary  and  complete 
self-sacriiice.  In  the  light  of  history,  Christianity 
has  rightly  recognized  in  him  the  supreme  agent  for 
the  realization  of  the  divine  plan  so  marvellously  pre- 
sented by  the  unknown  prophet  of  the  exile ;  but  until 
that  divine  plan  takes  final  form  in  the  kingdom  of 
God  on  earth,  the  ideal  of  the  servant  of  Jehovah  will 
continue  (as  Paul  clearly  realized;  see  Acts  xiii.  47) 
to  call  men  to  offer  themselves  willingly,  completely, 
for  the  uplifting  of  the  human  race. 


IX 


THE   POLITICAL   AND   RELIGIOUS    SIGNIEICANCE   OF 

THE  babylo:n^ian  exile 

83.  While  the  Babylonian  exile  was  the  briefest, 
it  was  also  in  many  ways  the  most  important  period 
in  the  life  of  the  Jewish  people.  It  was  more  than  a 
crisis;  it  represented  a  fundamental  transformation 
in  the  political,  social,  and  religious  character  of  the 
race.  The  struggling  community  which  ultimately 
centred  about  Jerusalem,  had  in  reality  little  in  com- 
mon with  the  nation  to  which  Jeremiah  prophesied 
a  few  decades  before.  The  ancient  Hebrew  state  had 
proved  in  many  ways  a  failure.  Its  leaders  had  been 
as  blind  to  the  higher  religious  truths  presented  by 
the  prophets,  as  they  were  to  their  sagacious  political 
counsels.  From  the  vantage  ground  of  the  exile,  the 
more  enlightened  recognized  with  shame  that  the  fate 
which  had  overtaken  their  nation  was  well  merited. 
It  had  sinned;  for,  according  to  the  meaning  of  the 
expressive  Hebrew  word  for  sin,  it  "had  missed  the 
mark  "  which  had  been  set  before  it  by  its  inspired 
teachers.  The  wreck  of  the  ancient  state  cleared  the 
way  for  the  construction  of  the  new.  Naturally  in 
the  reconstruction,  the  architects  sought  to  eliminate 
all  that  had  proved  worthless.  The  exile  demon- 
strated that  the  Jewish  people  could  maintain  their 


94    THE   BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

racial  integrity  without  political  organization,  and 
that  the  religion  of  Jehovah  was  not  dependent  upon 
the  monarchy.  In  the  eyes  of  those  who  labored  for 
and  participated  in  the  revival,  the  ancient  kings  and 
their  advisers  had  with  few  exceptions  traduced  their 
nation,  and  were,  therefore,  set  aside  as  useless. 
Ezekiel  and  his  fellow-workers  anticipated  the  change, 
which  subsequent  circumstances  enforced,  and  devoted 
themselves  to  formulating  the  constitution  of  a  purely 
ecclesiastical  state.  In  the  place  of  the  monarchy 
rose  the  hierarchy.  The  old  military  and  royal  aris- 
tocracy also  vanished,  and  instead  appeared  a  priestly 
nobility,  with  the  high  priest  at  its  head.  Israel  be- 
came literally  "a  kingdom  of  priests  and  a  holy  na- 
tion "  (Ex.  xix.  6).  The  radical  change  in  the 
external  organization  of  the  Jewish  race  was  but  an 
index  of  the  deeper  fact  that  its  energies  had  been 
turned  into  entirely  different  channels.  Eitual  and 
religion,  not  politics,  commanded  the  attention  of  its 
leaders. 

84.  In  the  calm  and  leisure  of  the  exile,  even  the 
masses  found  time  to  meditate  and  to  listen  to  the 
messages  of  their  prophetic  teachers.  Torn  from 
their  old  associations,  they  no  longer  felt  the  spell 
of  the  high  places  and  heathen  customs,  consecrated 
by  the  usage  of  centuries.  The  advantages  of  the 
new  situation  were  on  the  side  of  the  progressive 
prophetic  party.  The  reformation  of  Josiah  had 
practically  failed  in  Judah ;  but  during  the  exile  the 
principles  proclaimed  by  the  pre-exilic  prophets  won 
the  day.  A  few  remnants  of  the  old  idolatry  sur- 
vived in  Canaan,  but  otherwise  the  ancient  heathen 
gods  ceased   to    attract   them.       The    victory    of   the 


THE   RELIGIOUS  INFLUENCES   OF  THE   EXILE       95 

prophets  was  the  more  complete  because  they  had 
consistently  foretold  the  approach  of  the  exile,  so 
that  when  it  came,  it  furnished  a  testimonial  to  the 
truth  of  their  words  which  even  the  masses,  who  must 
see  and  touch  before  believing,  appreciated.  Later, 
the  liberation  by  Cyrus,  which  they  had  long  pre- 
dicted, still  further  established  the  prophets'  author- 
ity. The  exiles,  crushed  by  the  calamity  which  had 
overtaken  them,  were  also  in  a  condition  to  receive 
the  stern,  uncompromising  messages  of  their  spiritual 
guides.  Since  they  regarded  the  misfortunes  which 
overwhelmed  them  as  the  punishment  of  their  nation's 
guilt,  they  loathed  more  and  more  the  sins  of  the 
past,  and  welcomed  with  eagerness  anything  which 
promised  to  bring  absolution  and  reconciliation  with 
Jehovah.  Unconsciously  they  must  have  been  in- 
fluenced also  by  the  example  of  their  Babylonian 
masters,  who  were  constantly  offering  propitiatory 
sacrifices  to  their  deities.  The  result  was  that,  from 
the  period  of  the  exile  on,  atoning  offerings  and 
prayers  for  forgiveness  assume  a  far  more  important 
place  among  the  Jews.  Henceforth  the  ruling 
passion  with  the  faithful  was  the  desire  to  regain 
their  lost  national  and  individual  purit}^ 

85.  Finally,  in  Babylon  the  Jews  freed  themselves 
not  only  from  idolatry,  but  also  from  the  half-heathen 
conception  of  Jehovah,  which  placed  him  nearly  on 
an  equality  with  the  gods  of  the  other  nations,  and 
restricted  his  influence  to  Canaan.  Such  a  belief  had 
sufficed  for  the  Hebrews  while  they  lived  undisturbed 
among  the  secluded  hills  of  Palestine,  but  when 
Jehovah's  people  bowed  low  in  the  dust  before  the 
Babylonians,    who   attributed   their   victories   to   the 


96     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

intercession  of  other  gods,  the  popular  conception  of 
Jehovah  was  likewise  cast  to  earth.  The  inspired 
prophets,  however,  had  anticipated  this  crisis  and 
were  prepared  to  turn  the  eyes  of  the  people  from  the 
fallen  Jehovah  of  their  imagining  to  the  God  who 
rules  supreme  in  the  universe.  At  this  time  the 
religion  of  the  Jewish  people  became  pure  monothe- 
ism. Absorbed  among  races  more  powerful  and  more 
highly  civilized  than  they,  the  Jews  were  forced  to 
admit  that  they  were  only  one  of  the  weak  families 
of  the  earth.  The  experience  was  painful,  but  valu- 
able. It  not  only  broadened  their  conception  of  Jeho- 
vah's character,  but  also  led  them  to  recognize  their 
complete  dependence  upon  him.  They  saw  for  the 
first  time  that  they  were  unique  among  the  nations 
simply  because  of  their  unique  relation  to  the  God  of 
the  universe.  That  relation,  in  turn,  was  the  result 
of  no  worthy  action  on  their  part,  but  simply  of  Jeho- 
vah's choice.  Thus  vras  begotten  in  the  minds  of  the 
thoughtful  that  attitude  of  genuine  humility  which 
comes  from  appreciating  facts  as  they  are,  and  which 
is  the  necessary  pre-requisite  of  true  development  and 
service. 

86.  As  these  simple  but  important  truths  gradually 
impressed  themselves  upon  their  consciousness,  the 
attitude  of  the  exiles  to  the  great  heathen  world  about 
them  changed.  No  longer  could  they  ignore  their 
neighbors,  or  merely  consider  them  when  they  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  Israel.  Beginning  with  the  period 
of  the  exile,  the  nations  figure  prominently  in  the 
utterances  of  the  prophets.  From  the  same  epoch 
dates  the  rise  of  a  broad  religious  philosophy  of  his- 
tory.     The  nations,  drawn  together  by  force,  began 


THE   NEW   CONCEPTION  OF   THE   RACE'S   MISSION    97 

dimly  to  recognize  that  they  belonged  to  one  family ; 
while  certain  inspired  Jews  grasped  the  greater  truth 
that  one  Father  stood  at  the  head  of  that  family,  and 
that  Cyrus  was  Jehovah's  anointed  as  truly  as  was 
Jehoiakin.  Hence  it  became  impossible  for  them  to 
regard  the  heathen  merely  as  objects  of  divine  ven- 
geance. Instead  of  constantly  brooding  upon  their 
own  wrongs,  they  began  to  think  of  Jehovah's  rela- 
tion to  the  peoples  about  them,  and  then  of  the  role 
which  they,  as  his  chosen  people,  were  called  to  enact 
in  the  realizing  of  the  divine  purpose  in  human  his- 
tory. Thus  in  the  mind  of  the  great  unknown 
prophet  of  the  exile,  the  heathen  world  figured  as  a 
vast  missionary  field  and  the  Jews  as  Jehovah's  chosen 
messengers,  to  proclaim  abroad  his  name.  It  was 
difficult  for  him  to  abandon  the  old  hope  of  a  tem- 
poral world  kingdom  with  the  Jewish  people  at  its 
head,  but  in  his  best  moments  he  realized  and  taught 
that,  not  by  the  sword  nor  by  force,  was  the  rule  of 
Jehovah  to  be  made  universal,  but  by  the  self-deny- 
ing service  of  his  despised  yet  faithful  countrymen. 
Himself  afflicted  and  the  apostle  to  the  oppressed,  he 
learned  to  appreciate  the  value  of  suffering,  volunta- 
rily endured,  as  a  transforming  influence  in  the  life 
of  the  sufferer,  and  as  the  most  powerful  conceivable 
force  in  the  redemption  of  sinful  mankind.  In  his 
ideal  of  the  suffering  servant  of  Jehovah,  he  taught 
his  kinsmen  that,  in  the  hour  of  their  greatest  humil- 
iation, it  was  possible  for  them  to  conquer  the  world 
by  loving  sacrifice. 

87.  His  ideal  was  too  exalted  for  his  contempora- 
ries fully  to  understand,  much  less  to  appreciate.  In 
the  slow-moving  Orient,  a  nation  is  not  re-born  in  a 

7 


98     THE  BABYLONIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

day.  To  most  of  his  readers  a  teaching  which  made 
service  through  suffering  the  weapon  whereby  the 
world  was  to  be  conquered,  seemed  only  folly.  His 
message,  however,  was  true,  and  it  was  a  significant 
moment  in  human  history  when  it  found  lodgment  in 
a  human  heart  and  expression  from  the  lips  of  a  man. 
Henceforth,  it  was  destined  to  attract  mankind  more 
and  more  until  the  truth  became  an  objective  reality 
in  the  character  and  work  of  the  great  teacher  of 
Nazareth.  Thus  during  that  half  century  when  the 
Jewish  race  was  pinioned  hand  and  foot,  mighty 
changes  were  going  on  within  its  throbbing  heart. 
Then  those  ideas  found  full  expression  which  were 
destined  to  shape  and  control  its  future.  The  tor- 
tures of  the  prison  house  also  tested  and  brought  each 
individual  into  a  prominence,  unknown  before.  The 
exile  proved,  as  Amos  predicted  (Am.  ix.  9),  a  sifting 
process,  for  it  effectually  separated  the  faint-hearted 
and  sceptical  from  the  brave  and  true.  Many  —  per- 
haps the  majority  —  were  found  wanting ;  but  those 
who  endured  the  ordeal  and  remained  faithful  were 
devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  Jehovah  of  the  prophets 
with  a  passionate  zeal,  which  was  in  striking  con- 
trast to  the  popular  indifference  that  daunted  pre- 
exilic  prophets  like  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah.  Bound 
together,  not  by  political  bonds,  but  by  common  suf- 
fering and  common  faith,  the  loyal  few  proved  the 
nucleus  out  of  which,  during  the  succeeding  centuries, 
grew  the  Jewish  church. 


PART    II 

THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE  HISTORICAL    SOUKCES   AND  LITERATURE   OF 
THE   PERIOD 

88.  The  record  of  the  life  of  the  Jewish  people 
during  the  two  centuries  following  the  conquest  of 
Babylon  by  Cyrus  in  539  b.  c.  is  found  in  a  great 
variety  of  writings,  chief  among  which  are  the  Books 
of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  Originally,  in  the  Jewish 
canon,  they  together  constituted  one  book,  and  their 
striking  points  of  similarity  leave  no  doubt  that  they 
are  from  the  hand  of  the  same  author.  Furthermore, 
a  comparison  of  their  marked  peculiarities  with  those 
of  the  Books  of  Chronicles  demonstrates  that  these 
four  books  constitute  one  connected  narrative,  written 
in  the  same  style  and  from  the  same  unique  point  of 
view.  The  close  connection  between  the  two  main 
divisions  of  this  history  is  also  indicated  by  the  fact 
that  the  opening  verses  of  Ezra-Nehemiah  (i.  1-3*) 
are  the  same  as  the  closing  section  of  Chronicles 
(xxxvi.  22-23).  The  characteristics  of  the  author, 
who  is  commonly  designated  as  the  chronicler,  are 
well  known  (sect.  255;  see  also  II.  sects.  7-11). 
He  was  an  ecclesiastic  rather  than  an  historian.  His 
primary  aim  in  writing  was  to  emphasize  the  institu- 
tional side  of  Israel's  history.  He  lived  in  an  age 
which  idealized  the  past.  Like  his  contemporaries, 
he  unconsciously  read  the  institutions  and  conditions 


102     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

of  his  own  day  into  the  earlier  and  more  primitive 
periods,  since  he  did  not  fully  realize  that  Israel  had 
enjoyed  a  progressive  religious  development,  extend- 
ing through  many  centuries.  The  result  is  that  the 
original  contributions  of  the  chronicler  are  of  value 
to  the  discriminating  historian,  chiefly  as  they  reveal 
the  conditions  of  the  later  time. 

89.  In  determining  the  date  at  which  he  lived,  we 
note  that  he  refers  to  the  "days  of  Nehemiah  and 
Ezra"  (Neh.  xii.  26,  47)  as  if  they  belonged  to  the 
distant  past.  Unlike  the  older  writers,  whom  he 
quotes,  he  describes  Cyrus  and  his  successors  as 
"kings  of  Persia,"  which  he  would  not  have  done  if 
the  Persian  empire  was  still  the  one  dominant  power 
in  southwestern  Asia  (Ezra  i.  1,  2,  8;  iii.  7;  com- 
pare the  usage  in  an  older  passage  which  he  quotes, 
V.  13-vi.  3).  In  Nehemiah  xii.  11,  22,  he  mentions 
Jaddua,  who  was  high  priest  until  331  b.  c,  and  in 
the  twenty-second  verse  of  the  same  chapter  he  speaks 
of  Darius  the  Persian,  who  must  be  Darius  Codoman- 
nus,  the  last  king  of  the  great  empire  founded  by 
Cyrus.  His  ignorance  of  the  exact  order  of  the  ear- 
lier Persian  kings  (compare  Ezra  iv.)  likewise  points 
to  a  late  date.  Certainly  he  did  not  live  before  the 
Greek  period.  The  first  half  of  the  third  century, 
B.  c,  furnishes  the  most  probable  background  for  his 
work. 

90.  Living  as  he  did,  centuries  after  most  of  the 
events  which  he  records  transpired,  the  question  as  to 
what  was  the  nature  of  the  sources  fi'om  which  he 
gained  his  data  becomes  exceedingly  important. 
Hitherto  this  subject  has  been  somewhat  overlooked 
by  scholars;   but  within   the   last  few   years   it  has 


EARLIER   SOURCES  USED  BY  THE   CHRONICLER      103 

received  the  attention  which  it  deserves  (see  Appen- 
dix III.).  Fortimatel}^,  like  most  ancient  historians, 
he  frequently  cites,  with  little  or  no  change,  from  the 
earlier  records  at  his  command.  In  Ezra  iv.  8  to  vi. 
18  are  found  two  such  quotations.  Instead  of  translat- 
ing them  into  Hebrew,  in  which  the  rest  of  his  book 
is  written,  he  retains  the  original  Aramaic  in  which 
he  found  them.  From  the  time  of  the  exile,  Aramaic 
became  the  language  of  official  communication  be- 
tween the  Semitic  subjects  in  the  Persian  empire; 
during  the  last  century  of  the  Persian  period  it  gradu- 
ally became  the  common  language  of  Palestine,  so 
that  the  Aramaic  document,  from  which  the  chron- 
icler quotes,  may  well  have  been  written  only  a  few 
generations  after  the  events  which  it  records  occurred. 
That  it  was  written  some  time  during  the  Persian 
period  is  established  by  the  fact  that,  unlike  the  sec- 
tions originating  with  the  chronicler,  it  refers  to 
Persian  monarchs,  such  as  Darius,  as  the  king,  with- 
out the  addition  "of  Persia."  The  chronicler  evi- 
dently introduced  the  first  section,  iv.  8-23,  into  its 
present  context  to  explain  why  the  building  of  the 
temple  was  not  begun  immediately  after  permission 
was  granted  by  Cyrus,  for  the  twenty-fourth  verse  of 
chapter  iv.,  as  well  as  v.  1,  2,  which  connect  the  two 
citations,  and  which  are  from  his  hand,  refer  only  to 
the  temple;  while  the  first  passage  thus  introduced 
is  dated  from  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  and  relates  to 
the  building,  not  of  the  temple,  but  of  the  walls.  In 
verse  12  it  is  definitely  stated  that  the  walls  had 
been  finished  and  the  foundations  repaired.  The 
statements  of  the  officials  in  Samaria  may  have  been 
somewhat  exaggerated,  but  the  incident  finds  its  most 


104     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OP  JEWISH   HISTORY 

complete  historical  setting  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes 
I.,  when  the  great  work  of  Nehemiah  in  rebuilding 
the  walls  was  nearly  accomplished.  Restored  to  this 
setting,  so  clearly  indicated  by  the  passage  itself,  it 
furnishes  valuable  facts  supplementing  the  Nehemiah 
history. 

91.  The  other  quotation,  v.  3  to  vi.  14,  may  have 
been  taken  from  the  first  part  of  the  same  collection 
of  Aramaic  documents,  recording  the  official  relations 
between  the  Jewish  colony  and  the  Persian  govern- 
ment. It  tells  of  an  incident  in  connection  with  the 
building  of  the  temple  during  the  reign  of  Darius. 
While  the  Jewish  rather  than  the  Persian  point  of 
view  is  apparent  in  the  form  in  which  the  imperial 
decrees  are  reported  (compare  vi.  9,  12),  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  the  Judcan  paraphrase  has  faith- 
fully preserved  the  chief  historical  facts.  The  statis- 
tical and  ecclesiastical  notices  contained  in  vi.  15- 
22  are  expressed  in  the  language  of  the  chronicler. 
Whether  his  source  was  an  earlier  document  or  a 
tradition  current  in  his  day  cannot  be  determined. 
The  fact  that  the  king  of  Assyria  is  regarded  as  still 
the  overlord  of  Palestine  points  to  a  very  late  date, 
when  the  memory  of  conditions  obtaining  in  the  Per- 
sian period  had  become  indistinct.  The  account  of 
the  observation  of  the  passover  suggests  the  chroni- 
cler's well-known  tendency  to  describe  such  ceremo- 
nials as  they  were  conducted  in  his  own  time. 

92.  Chapters  i.  and  iii.  are  recognized  by  all  as 
the  work  of  the  chronicler.  The  fundamental  facts 
presented  in  them  —  the  permission  from  Cyrus  to 
rebuild  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  the  appointment  of 
Sheshbazzar  as  governor  of  Judah,  and  the  return  of 


CHRONICLER'S   CONCEPTION  OF  THE   HISTORY      105 

some  of  the  vessels  of  the  sanctuary  —  are  closely 
parallel  with  those  suggested  by  the  quotation  from 
the  Aramaic  document  (v.  3  to  vi.  14).  The  varia- 
tions—  as,  for  example,  the  role  of  a  devout  worship- 
per of  Jehovah,  which  is  assigned  to  Cyrus,  the  size 
and  details  of  the  list  of  sacred  vessels  returned  to 
the  Jews,  the  account  of  the  immediate  institution  of 
elaborate  services  at  Jerusalem  (compare  especially 
iii.  3-5),  and  the  prominence  given  to  the  priests  and 
Levites  —  are  all  distinctly  characteristic  of  the 
chronicler  and  of  his  time.  Furthermore,  the  picture 
which  they  present  of  conditions  in  Jerusalem  differs 
widely  from  that  contained  in  the  oldest  sources, 
the  prophecies  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  (see  sect. 
119);  the  differences  again  are  those  which  distin- 
guish the  age  of  the  chronicler  from  that  of  Zerub- 
babel.  The  same  is  true  of  iv.  1-6.  The  prophets, 
who  inspired  the  temple  building,  make  no  reference 
to  the  opposition  of  the  people  of  the  land,  but  plainly 
declare  that  the  long  delay  in  the  work  was  due  to 
the  selfish  neglect  of  the  Jews  themselves  (Hag.  i.  2- 
11).  The  language  of  the  section  is  certainly  that  of 
the  chronicler.  In  his  day,  when  Samaritan  opposi- 
tion was  so  bitter,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should 
regard  this  as  the  cause  of  a  delay  which  seemed  to 
him  otherwise  inexplicable.  Hence  Ezra  i.,  iii.,  and 
iv.  1-6  represent  only  the  chronicler's  conception  of 
the  first  two  decades  of  the  Persian  period.  This 
conception  was  based  upon  the  testimony  of  the 
Aramaic  document  and  the  Books  of  Haggai  and 
Zechariah,  and  was  naturally  modified  by  his  peculiar 
point  of  view  and  by  traditions  then  current. 

93„    An  examination  of  the  genealogical    list  pre- 


106     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

served  in  Ezra  ii.,  and  its  parallel  in  Nehemiah  vii., 
reveals  conclusive  evidence  that  in  its  present  form  it 
is  also  from  the  chronicler.  His  love  for  minute 
genealogical  tables,  which  became  a  characteristic  of 
later  Judaism,  is  shared  by  almost  no  other  Old  Tes- 
tament writer.  In  the  list,  the  priests,  the  singers, 
the  porters,  and  the  Nethinim,  in  which  he  was  espe- 
cially interested,  are  introduced  in  his  usual  order, 
and  receive  a  major  part  of  the  attention  (Ezra  ii. 
36-58).  The  clan  designated  as  "the  children  of  Sol- 
omon's servants  "  is  mentioned  only  by  him.  Although 
their  order  and  historical  setting  are  entirely  different, 
there  are  too  many  repetitions  in  this  list  of  the  names 
in  I.  Chronicles  ix.  10-3J:  and  Nehemiah  xi.  3-36  to 
be  explained  as  a  mere  coincidence.  The  Hebrew 
student  also  recognizes  in  the  unusual  order  in  which 
the  compound  numbers  are  written  another  peculiarity 
of -the  chronicler.  In  the  first  part  of  his  list  (Ezra 
ii.  3-35)  it  is  probable  that  he  cites  from- an  earlier 
census.  The  question  of  the  date  of  this  census  can 
best  be  treated  in  connection  with  the  history,  and  is, 
therefore,  reserved  for  later  consideration  (sects.  117- 
119,  214,  215).  The  aim  of  the  chronicler  in  pre- 
senting this  genealogical  list  twice  in  his  narrative 
Avas  evidently  to  emphasize  his  thesis  that  the  Judean 
state  was  revived,  not  by  the  ignorant,  idolatrous  Jews 
who  were  left  behind,  but  wholly  by  those  who  re- 
turned from  the  East.  To  this  end  he  introduces  it 
just  before  the  building  of  the  temple,  and  then  again 
in  connection  with  the  restoration  of  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem  (Neh.  vii.). 

94.    The  latter  part  of  the  Book  of  Ezra  is  devoted 
to  an  account  of  the  mission  of  Ezra.     Chapter  vii. 


THE   SOURCES   OF  THE   EZRA  NARRATIVES       107 

1-10  is  an  introduction  from  the  hand  of  the  chroni- 
cler. As  usual,  he  begins  with  a  genealogical  list. 
He  makes  Ezra  the  son  of  Seraiah,  the  chief  priest 
put  to  death  at  Riblah  by  the  Babylonians  at  least  one 
hundred  and  thirty  years  before  (II.  Kings  xxv.  18, 
21).  If  the  term  "  son  "  is  used  in  the  sense  common 
in  late  Jewish  genealogies,  of  "descendant  of,"  it  at 
least  suggests  that  tradition  had  not  preserved  the 
names  of  Ezra's  immediate  ancestors.  The  chronicler 
describes  him  in  the  language  of  the  later  age  as  "  a 
ready  scribe  in  the  law  of  Moses. "  The  decree  in  vii. 
11-26  can  hardly,  in  its  present  form,  be  from  the 
hand  of  Ezra.  Like  the  Cyrus  decree  in  chapter  i., 
it  has  at  least  been  freely  retouched  by  some  one 
deeply  imbued  with  the  Jewish,  legalistic  spirit.  The 
fact  that  it  is  in  Aramaic,  however,  suggests  that  it 
was  based  upon  an  Aramaic  original. 

95.  In  the  sections  vii.  27  to  viii.  34  and  ix.  1-15 
the  first  person  is  suddenly  introduced.  This  has 
usually  been  regarded  as  conclusive  evidence  that 
these  passages  represent  direct  citations  from  a 
memoir  of  Ezra.  An  American  scholar  (Torrey  —  The 
Composition  and  Historical  Value  of  Ezra-Nehemiah) 
has  recently  shown,  by  a  detailed  study  of  the  section, 
that  it  abounds  from  beginning  to  end  in  the  peculiar 
words,  idioms,  and  ideas  of  the  chronicler.  This 
fact  alone,  however,  hardly  justifies  his  inference  that 
the  story  of  Ezra  is  simply  the  creation  of  the  same 
hand.  Certainly,  if  anywhere  a  close  similarity  of 
style  and  thought  are  to  be  expected,  it  is  in  the 
writings  of  Ezra  and  of  his  followers  who  lived  in  the 
legal  atmosphere  generated  by  the  movement  which 
he  represented.     It  is  much  nearer  the  truth  to  say 


108     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

that  the  chronicler  is  a  later  disciple  of  Ezra.  Hence 
the  similarity  between  the  literary  products  of  the 
two  men  confirm  rather  than  disprove  the  authenticity 
of  the  sections.  It  is  also  a  well-known  fact  that  the 
chronicler,  in  transcribing,  constantly  introduces  his 
own  peculiarities  of  style.  In  the  light  of  these  con- 
siderations there  is  still  good  ground  for  believing 
that  the  passages  before  us  are  free  citations  from  a 
memoir  coming  from  Ezra  himself. 

96.  The  remaining  sections  of  the  book  are  in  the 
third  person,  and  bear  on  their  face  indisputable 
evidence  that  in  their  present  form  they  come  from 
the  same  school  of  thought  as  the  Ezra  memoir  and 
the  writings  of  the  chronicler.  Since  the  time  of  the 
editor  of  I.  Esdras,  who  placed  Nehemiah  viii.  imme- 
diately after  Ezra  x.,  it  has  been  generally  recognized 
that  the  sections  contained  in  Nehemiah  viii.  to  x. 
are  another  part  of  the  narrative  preserved  in  Ezra  vii. 
to  X.  Many  rearrangements  have  been  suggested,  but 
the  one  which  alone  removes  the  insuperable  difficulties 
involved  in  the  present  order,  and  gives  a  connected 
and  consistent  history,  is  that  presented  by  Professor 
Torrey.  He  makes  the  reconstructed  order  Ezra  vii., 
viii.,  Nehemiah  vii.  70  to  viii.  18,  Ezra  ix.,  x.,  Nehe- 
miah ix.,  X.  (Composition  and  Historical  Value  of 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  pp.  29-34).  A  satisfactory  explana- 
tion of  the  present  disordered  arrangement  is  found  in 
the  characteristic  desire  of  the  chronicler  to  assign  to 
the  work  of  Ezra,  the  great  priestly  reformer,  a  posi- 
tion of  priority  with  reference  to  that  of  the  layman 
Nehemiah.  To  this  end  he  transferred  the  account  of 
Ezra's  expedition  and  of  the  preliminary  reform  to 
a  position  before  the  citation   from  the    memoirs  of 


ORIGINAL   ORDER  OF   THE   EZRA  NARRATIVES     109 

Nehemiah,  just  as  he  placed  the  census  of  the  returned 
(Ezra  ii.)  before  the  account  of  the   building  of  the 
temple,  and  introduced  the  narrative  regarding  the  in- 
terruption of   the  building    of   the  walls    during  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  (Ezra  iv,   8-23),  to  explain  why 
the  temple  was  not  built  during  the  reign  of  Cyrus. 
He  may  possibly  have  been  guided  in  the  present  re- 
arrangement by  the  tradition  that  Ezra's  expedition 
was  in  the  seventh  year  of  a  certain  Artaxerxes  (Ezra 
vii.  8),  whom  he  naturally  concluded  was  the  same  as 
the  one   under  whom  Nehemiah  rebuilt  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  or  in  the  absence  of  distinct  testimony  be 
may  have   introduced    the  present   date   to   establish 
Ezra's   priority    to    Nehemiah    (compare    sects.    187, 
188).     The  record  of  the  great  reformation,  however, 
stands  in  its  true  chronological  order  after  the  account 
of  the  work  of  Nehemiah.     The  present  extremely  dis- 
connected arrangement  of  these  sections,  which  are  in 
style  and  theme  a  unit,  suggests  that  he  was  dealing 
with  documents  which  he  found  already  written.     If 
he  himself  be  regarded  as  their  author,  it  is  necessary 
to  resort  to  the  less  probable  hypothesis  that  the  pres- 
ent remarkable  disarrangement  is  due  to  some  later 
copyist.     The  exact  nature  of  the  source  which  the 
chronicler   reconstructed    so  freely  can  only  be  con- 
jectured.    It  may  well  have  been  the  Levitical  Book 
of  Chronicles  (literally,  "The  Words  of  the  Days") 
to  which  he  elsewhere  refers  (Neh.   xii.  23).     In  the 
archives  of   the  temple  some  records  were  certainly 
kept  of  the  great  reform  movement  which  revolution- 
ized the  character  of  its  services.     The  style  and  point 
of  view  of  such  records  would  be  closely  analogous,  if 
they  did  not,  indeed,  impart  their  peculiarities  to  the 


110     THP]  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

writings  of  the  chronicler.  There  is  good  reason, 
therefore,  for  concluding  that  the  source  from  which 
he  gleaned  the  important  data  respecting  Ezra  and 
the  action  of  the  Great  Assembl}",  is  substantially 
reliable.  This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  the  data  are  in  harmony  with  the  testimony  of 
the  independent  sources. 

97.  Nehemiah  i.  to  vi.  contains  literal  quotations 
from  the  personal  memoirs  of  Nehemiah.  The  vocab- 
ulary, style,  and  point  of  view  are  entirely  different 
from  those  which  characterize  other  parts  of  the  book. 
The  list  in  chapter  iii.  alone  suggests  the  work  of  the 
chronicler,  and  even  here  the  Nehemiah  memoir  prob- 
ably furnished  the  chief  data;  or  else  they  are  from 
authentic  and  detailed  traditions.  The  same  source 
may  be  traced  in  vii.  1-4,  and  its  logical  continuation 
xi.  1,  2.  The  remainder  of  chapter  xi.  and  the  first 
part  of  chapter  xii.  (verses  1-2G)  consist  of  long  gene- 
alogical lists  edited  by  the  chronicler  (compare  in 
detail  I.  Chr.  ix.  ;  Josh,  xv.),  but  probably,  in  part, 
founded  upon  earlier  records,  preserved  in  the  temple 
archives,  to  one  of  which  he  refers  ("  The  Book  of  the 
Days;"  xii.  23).  The  Nehemiah  memoir  reappears 
in  xii.  31,  32,  prefaced  by  an  introduction  (xii.  27-30) 
and  followed  by  an  insertion  (verses  33-36)  in  which 
the  chronicler  attributes  to  the  priests,  the  Levites, 
and  the  singers  the  prominent  place  which  he  consid- 
ered to  be  their  due  in  the  dedication  of  the  walls. 
The  citation  from  the  Nehemiah  memoir  in  verses  31 
and  32  find  their  original  continuation  in  verses  37- 
40,  and  possibly  in  verse  43,  which,  unlike  the  inser- 
tions of  the  chronicler,  are  in  the  first  person,  and  in 
thought  and  style  closely  resemble  Nehemiah 's  other 


THE   CITATIONS   FROM  NEHEMIAH'S   MEMOIRS      111 

writings.     The  remainder  of   the  chapter   is   clearly 
from  the  hand  of  the  editor. 

98.  The  short  passage  xiii.  1-3  evidently  does  not 
belong  in  its  present  context.  Its  affinities  are  all 
with  the  Ezra  narrative.  The  remainder  of  chapter 
xiii.  concludes  the  citations  from  the  Nehemiah 
memoirs.  Its  vocabulary  and  style  indicate  that  it 
is  not  a  direct  quotation,  for  its  language  is,  in  part, 
that  of  the  chronicler.  At  the  same  time,  it  contains 
many  of  Nehemiah's  marked  literary  peculiarities. 
The  deeds  vrhich  it  records,  and  the  manner  and  spirit 
in  which  they  are  performed,  are  characteristic  of  no 
other  man  of  the  period  than  the  builder  of  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem.  The  section,  therefore,  is  apparently 
a  summary  of  the  latter  part  of  the  Nehemiah  memoir 
which  the  chronicler  doubtless  deemed  too  long  to  be 
reproduced  in  full.  Its  historical  value  is  practically 
equal  to  that  of  section  i.-vi.,  which  is  one  of  the 
most  important  and  reliable  historical  sources  in  the 
Old  Testament. 

99.  The  fragmentary  and  often  uncertain  record 
of  Ezra-Nehemiah  is  supplemented  and  rectified  by 
the  testimony  of  certain  contemporary  witnesses. 
Chief  among  these  are  the  prophets,  Haggai  and  Zech- 
ariah,  who  prophesied  in  connection  with  the  building 
of  the  temple.  The  brief  epitomes  of  their  sermons, 
preserved  in  the  books  bearing  their  names,  are  care- 
fully dated  so  that  they  present  most  exact  information. 

100.  A  vivid  picture  of  conditions  within  the  Jew- 
ish community  is  also  furnished  by  the  little  book 
which  bears  the  title  "Malachi"  (my  messenger). 
This  title  was  probably  taken  from  the  first  verse  of 
the  third  chapter  (where  the  word  occurs),   and  can 


112     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

hardly  be  the  name  of  the  prophet.  Since  he  bitterly 
attacks  the  religious  authorities  and  prevailing  con- 
ditions, it  is  highly  probable  that  the  prophecy  was 
originally  issued  anonymously.  Its  brief  superscrip- 
tion contains  no  suggestion  as  to  its  date.  Certainly 
it  is  much  later  than  Zechariah's  prophecy,  for  the 
temple  has  long  been  built,  and  both  people  and 
priests  have  begun  to  grow  careless  and  corrupt  in 
performing  its  services  (i.).  A  bold  scepticism  has 
begun  to  find  expression  The  same  evils  are  present 
that  aroused  the  indignation  of  Nehemiah  (with  ii.  10 
compare  Neh.  v.  1-5).  The  distinction  between  the 
priests  and  Levites,  as  established  by  the  Priestly 
Code,  is  unknown.  The  law  of  Deuteronomy  is  still 
in  force  (ii.  1-9).  Evidently  the  great  priestly  refor- 
mation recorded  in  Nehemiah  x.  had  not  yet  taken 
place.  The  impulse  toward  reform,  however,  is 
strongly  marked.  Earnestly  the  prophet  exhorts  the 
people  to  ally  themselves  with  the  party  of  the  right- 
eous (iii.  16-18).  The  wall  of  separation  is  already 
being  built  about  the  true  Israel.  The  unknown 
prophet  was,  therefore,  one  of  the  many  messengers 
who  arose  not  long  before  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  under  Nehemiah  in  445  b.  c,  and  who  by 
their  faithful  labors  prepared  the  way  for  the  later 
reformation. 

101.  In  the  closing  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Isaiah 
is  also  found  a  collection  of  prophecies  coming  from 
the  anonymous  co-workers  of  the  author  of  Malachi. 
They  were  appropriately  appended  to  the  writings  of 
the  great  prophet  of  the  exile,  because,  although  none 
of  them  attain  to  the  same  purity  and  exaltation  of 
style,  they  abound    in  the  same  ideas,  showing  that 


DATE   AND   AUTHORSHIP  OF   ISAIAH  LVI.  TO  LXII.    113 

their  authors  were  close  students  of  his  prophecies. 
Marked  differences  in  teaching  and  in  point  of  view, 
as  well  as  in  style,  suggest  that  several  different 
writers  are  here  represented.  For  their  use  as  an  his- 
torical source,  their  date  is  the  chief  question.  From 
the  internal  evidence  this  can  be  answered  with  com- 
parative certainty.  In  chapters  Ivi.  to  Ixii.  the  temple 
has  already  been  rebuilt,  and  the  altar  service  is  in 
full  progress  (Ivi.  5-7).  The  designation  "holy 
mountain,"  which  is  applied  in  late  psalms  to  Jerusa- 
lem, as  the  site  of  the  sanctuary,  appears  frequently 
(Ivi.  7;  Ivii.  13).  The  problems  considered  are  those 
of  the  restored  Jewish  community.  Many  Jews  have 
returned;  but  Ivi.  8  answers  the  common  expectation: 
"  The  Lord  God  who  has  gathered  the  outcasts  of  Israel 
saith,  yet  will  I  gather  others  to  him  [Israel]  beside 
his  own  that  are  gathered."  The  same  evils  within 
the  community  which  were  attacked  by  the  author  of 
Malachi  (iii.  1-5)  call  forth  the  denunciation  of  the 
prophets  (Ivi.  9-12;  Ivii.  1-2;  Iviii.  6,  7;  lix.  2-8). 
Chapter  Ivii.  3-13*  is  a  vivid  portrayal  of  the  abom- 
inable practices  of  the  hostile  foes  of  the  Jewish  col- 
ony. Many  of  the  waste  places  are  not  yet  rebuilt 
(Iviii.  12;  Ixi.  4).  A  deep-seated  discouragement  in 
the  presence  of  obstacles  and  persecution  has  weak- 
ened popular  faith  in  the  inherited  hopes  of  the  nation 
(lix.  1,  9;  compare  Mai.  ii.  17).  At  the  same  time  a 
faithful  few  were  looking  for  the  God-sent  messenger 
who  would  re-establish  a  new  covenant  between  Jeho- 
vah and  his  people  (lix.  20,  21;  compare  Mai.  iii.  1). 
The  noble  ideal  of  service  presented  by  the  great 
prophet  of  the  exile  is  again  held  up  before  the  people 
(Ixi.  1-3).     The  need  of  a  fundamental  reform  is  forci- 


114      THE  PERSIAN  PERI(3D  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

bly  presented,  and  the  delay  of  the  promised  redemp- 
tion cxpUxined  by  it  (lix.  3-15;  Ixi.  8).  The  age  is 
kindred  to  that  of  Nehemiah;  but  in  some  of  the  pas- 
sages the  fervent  hope  is  expressed  that  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  will  speedily  be  built,  indicating  that 
Nehemiah  has  not  yet  appeared  in  Jerusalem  (Iviii. 
12;  Ix.  10).  These  chapters,  therefore,  reveal  condi- 
tions within  the  Jewish  community  during  the  half 
century  preceding  the  advent  of  the  great  pioneer 
reformer. 

102.  The  background  of  the  remaining  four  chapters 
(Ixiii.  to  Ixvi.)  is  quite  different.  The  short  section 
Ixiii.  1-6  is  a  prophecy  of  divine  vengeance  to  be  exe- 
cuted upon  the  Edomites.  Here,  as  before,  those  in- 
veterate foes  of  the  Jews  figure  as  a  type  of  the  hostile 
heathen  world.  It  is  therefore  a  message  of  deliver- 
ance to  the  Jewish  race.  Since  the  thought  is  so 
general,  and  one  which  was  often  expressed  in  late 
Jewish  literature,  it  is  impossible  to  date  the  passage 
with  any  degree  of  certainty.  It  may  well  voice  the 
hopes  of  tlie  community  after  the  great  reform  of 
Ezra.  The  psalm  of  trust  and  supplication  contained 
in  Ixiii.  7  to  Ixiv.  was  written  after  a  terrible  calamity 
had  overtaken  Jerusalem.  "  Our  city  is  a  desolation 
and  our  holy  and  beautiful  house,  where  our  fathers 
praised  thee,  is  burned  with  fire ;  and  our  pleasant 
things  are  laid  waste"  (Ixiv.  10,  11).  Only  two 
occasions  in  early  Jewish  history  seem  to  furnish  a 
satisfactory  background.  The  first  is  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  in  586  B.  c. ;  the  other  is  the  partial 
destruction  and  pillaging  of  Jerusalem  by  the  army 
of  Artaxerxes  III.  (Ochns)  during  the  closing  years  of 
the  Persian  period.     The  language,  the  ideas,  and  the 


DATE   OF  ISAIAH  LXV.   AND   LXVI.  115 

expectations  of  the  passage,  as  well  as  its  position  in 
the  Book  of  Isaiah,  all  point  conclusively  to  the  later 
date. 

108.  Chapters  Ixv.  and  Ixvi.  consist  of  a  series  of 
loosely  connected  passages  which  introduce  us  to 
the  hopes  and  hostilities  of  the  Jews  during  the 
last  century  of  Persian  rule.  The  first  part  of  the 
sixty-fifth  chapter,  as  well  as  the  related  passages, 
Ixvi.  3,  4,  17,  suggest  the  nature  of  those  half  heathen 
practices  which  led  the  stricter  Jews  to  exclude  the 
Samaritans  from  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  The  latter 
part  of  chapter  Ixv.  and  Ixvi.  voice  the  expectations 
of  a  general  return  and  exaltation  of  the  Jewish  race 
which  filled  the  hearts  of  the  faithful  after  the  refor- 
mation of  Nchemiah  and  Ezra  had  been  instituted. 
The  same  general  hopes  of  a  speedy  downfall  of 
hostile  world-powers,  to  be  followed  by  the  long  de- 
lajed  vindication  of  Jehovah's  people  (xxvi.  20-21 ; 
xxvii.  1),  characterize  chapters  xxiv.  to  xxvii.  of  the 
Book  of  Isaiah.  The  ideas  as  well  as  the  style  of  this 
remarkable  section  are  entirely  foreign  to  those  of 
Isaiah,  the  son  of  Amoz.  Representatives  of  the  Jew- 
ish race  are  scattered  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the 
earth  (xxiv.  14-16  ;  xxvii.  12,  13).  The  reign  of  the 
written  law  has  begun  (xxiv.  5).  The  hope  of  a 
general  resurrection  of  the  dead  for  the  first  time  finds 
clear  expression  in  Jewish  literature  (xxvi.  19).  The 
present  moment  was  for  the  Jews  one  of  sadness ; 
but  already  they  seem  to  see  the  agents  of  their 
deliverance  approaching  (xxvi.  20,  21 ;  xxvii.).  The 
last  two  decades  of  Persian  rule  furnish  the  most 
satisfactory  historical  background  for  these  chapters ; 
since   then   the   Jewisli   community  was  visited  with 


116     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

bitter  persecutions  at  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  while 
the  corrupt  empire  began  to  show  evidence  of  its 
approaching  dissokition,  before  the  victorious  advance 
of  the  Greek. 

104.  Were  we  better  informed  respecting  the  details 
of  the  life  of  the  Jews  during  the  century  following 
the  great  priestly  reformation,  we  should  probably  be 
able  to  assign  an  exact  date  to  the  brief  prophecy  of 
Joel,  the  son  of  Pethuel.  Like  all  the  prophets  of  the 
later  age,  his  outlook  is  broad  and  general.  He  still 
expects  a  complete  restoration  of  the  scattered  mem- 
bers of  his  race  (iii.  1).  This  is  to  be  followed  by  an 
overwhelming  judgment  upon  all  the  foes  of  Jehovah's 
people  and  by  the  glorification  of  Jerusalem  (iii.)-  Un- 
like the  prophets  of  the  days  of  Nehemiah,  Joel  finds 
nothing  to  criticise  in  the  life  of  the  community.  The 
temple  is  the  centre  of  its  activity.  The  priestly  refor- 
mation has  evidently  been  firmly  established.  The  allu- 
sion to  strangers  passing  through  the  land  may  refer 
to  the  hostile  march  of  the  armies  of  Ochus,  but  the 
general  picture  which  the  prophecy  presents  is  peace- 
ful. The  occasion  of  the  prophecy  is  simply  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  great  swarm  of  locusts.  Judah  has  no 
more  grievous  complaint  against  the  nations  than  that 
they  have  traded  unjustly  in  Jewish  captives  (iii.  2-8). 
The  Greeks  figure,  not  as  advancing  conquerors,  but 
as  slave-traders  (iii.  6).  Hence  the  prophecy  may 
with  considerable  confidence  be  assigned  to  the  open- 
ing decades  of  the  fourth  century  B.  c,  when  peace 
and  prosperity  followed  the  institution  of  the  Priestly 
Law. 

105.  Two  other  Old  Testament  books,  Ruth  and 
Jonah,  afford  new  points   of   view  for   studying   the 


DATE  OF  THE  BOOKS  OF  JONAH  AND  RUTH  117 

thought  of  the  period.  Although  so  different,  they 
both  deal  with  the  question,  whether  or  not  Judaism 
should  be  exclusive  and  expel  from  its  midst  all 
foreign  elements  and  assume  toward  the  encompassing 
heathen  world  an  attitude  of  uncompromising  hostility. 
The  hot  discussion  of  the  question  was  first  opened 
at  Jerusalem  in  the  days  of  Nehemiah,  and  practically 
answered  in  the  affirmative  by  the  reformation  insti- 
tuted under  the  direction  of  Ezra.  The  presence  of 
Aramaisms  in  the  Book  of  Jonah,  which  otherwise  is 
characterized  by  its  good  Hebrew,  points  to  the  latter 
part  of  the  Persian  or  the  earlier  part  of  the  Greek 
period  as  the  time  of  its  composition.  While  the 
Book  of  Ruth  is  famous  for  the  classical  beauty  and 
simplicity  of  its  style,  it  contains  certain  Aramaic 
idioms  which  also  proclaim  its  post-exilic  origin.  Al- 
though the  story  may  rest  upon  authentic  tradition, 
it  idealizes,  after  the  fashion  of  post-exilic  writers,  the 
semi-barbarous  period  of  the  Judges  which  forms  its 
historical  background.  The  genealogical  list  at  tlie 
close  of  the  book  also  strongly  suggests  the  age 
of  Ezra,  which  was  characterized  by  its  antiquarian 
tastes. 

106.  Unquestionably  the  most  baffling  of  all  the 
vexed  problems  which  confront  the  student  of  Old 
Testament  literature  is  the  date  of  the  Psalms.  The 
problem  is  doubly  complicated,  first  because  the  histori- 
cal allusions  are  so  rare  and  indefinite,  and  secondly 
because  we  are  so  ignorant  respecting  the  details  of 
many  of  the  periods  from  which  they  come.  The 
superscriptions  also  afford  little  assistance,  for  most 
of  them  were  obviously  added  by  later  scribes,  who 
were  in  the  habit  of  giving  an  early  date  to  all  anony- 


118     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

nious  writings  and  of  associating  them  with  the  names 
of  men  famous  in  antiquity.  A  great  majority  of  the 
psalms,  like  the  proverbs,  were  originally  anonymous, 
for  they  simply  voiced  common  human  experience  and 
were  written  for  the  immediate  use  of  the  temple  or 
of  the  community.  Poetry  certainly  w^as  one  of  the 
earliest  forms  of  literary  composition  among  the 
Hebrews,  and  frequent  references  are  found  to  music 
in  connection  with  worship  in  early  times ;  but  the 
language,  ideas,  and  historical  allusions  contained  in 
the  psalms  which  have  been  preserved  support  the 
conclusion  that  a  large  proportion  of  them  come  from 
the  centuries  following  the  exile.  The  psalms,  like  the 
Priestly  Law,  represent  the  fruitage  of  prophecy.  Con- 
ditions during  and  after  the  exile  were  particularly 
favorable  for  the  production  of  lyric  poetry.  The 
Book  of  Lamentations  and  the  half  lyrical  writings  of 
the  authors  of  Isaiah  xl.  to  Ixvi.  are  significant  illus- 
trations of  this  fact.  In  Babylon  also  the  Jews  prob- 
ably became  familiar  with  the  penitential  psalms  of 
their  conquerors,  many  of  which  resemble  very  closely 
those  of  the  Hebrew  Psalter.  If  the  exile  gave  the 
first  strong  impetus  to  psalm-writing,  the  Persian 
period  fostered  it,  and  must  be  regarded  as  the  back- 
ground of  a  large  number  of  the  psalms  in  our  present 
collection.  In  this  form  the  repressed  feelings  of  the 
faithful  found  expression.  Their  disappointments, 
their  longings,  their  hatreds,  as  well  as  their  joys, 
were  all  voiced  in  psalms.  Song  service  also  formed 
an  increasingly  important  element  in  the  worship  of 
the  second  temple,  and  therefore  created  a  great 
demand  for  liturgical  literature.  The  dedication  of 
the  temple,  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls,  the  institution 


WRITINGS  OF  THE   GREEK   HISTORIANS  119 

of  the  Priestly  Law,  and  the  persecutions  of  Ochus, 
each  called  forth  psalms  which  reveal  the  inner  life  of 
the  race  and  which  will  be  studied  in  connection  with 
the  events  themselves. 

107.  In  addition  to  the  histories  of  Joseph  us  and 
the  ancient  fragments  preserved  by  the  Church  Fathers, 
which  throw  some  direct  light  upon  the  life  of  the 
Jewish  people,  the  period  is  brilliantly  illuminated  by 
the  writings  of  the  Greeks.  The  relations  between 
Greece  and  Persia  were  so  intimate  that  their  mingled 
life  constitutes  ihe  real  background  of  Jewish  history 
during  this  epoch.  Since  it  was  the  golden  age  of 
Greek  thought,  we  are  far  better  informed  respecting 
the  background  than  we  are  regarding  the  details  of 
Judah's  history.  The  absence  in  the  writings  of  the 
Greeks  of  any  definite  facts  regarding  the  personal  life 
of  the  Jews  is  not  in  the  least  surprising  when  we 
fully  realize  how  little  they  came  into  contact  with 
each  other  during  the  Persian  period.  The  Greeks 
were  known  to  the  Jews  at  this  time  only  as  a  distant 
people  or  as  pirates  (Isa.  Ixvi.  19 ;  Joel  iii.  6).  It  is 
not  strange,  therefore,  that  Herodotus  was  not  ac- 
quainted with  the  name  of  that  peculiar  people  "  who 
practise  circumcision"  (ii.  104).  The  inscriptions  of 
Cyrus,  and  especially  the  great  Behistun  Inscription, 
in  which  Darius  tells  of  the  mighty  revolutions  which 
convulsed  the  empire  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
also  supplement  our  knowledge  of  Persian  history 
at  a  most  important  crisis  in  the  life  of  the  Jewish 
race. 


II 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  BABYLON  AND  THE  POLICY 
OF  CYKUS 

108.  In  October  of  the  year  538  b.  c.  Cyrus  at  last 
turned  his  victorious  armies  towards  the  tottering 
capital  of  southwestern  Asia.  His  base  of  operation 
was  Mesopotamia,  the  fertile  territory  between  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  which  he 
had  apparently  conquered  in  547  b.  c.  (Nab. -Cyrus 
Chr.  i.  16-18).  Persian  intrigue,  favored  by  the 
resentment  and  suspicion  aroused  among  the  Baby- 
lonians by  the  strange  conduct  of  their  king  Naboni- 
dus  (see  sect.  60),  had  prepared  the  way  for  an  easy 
conquest.  On  the  northern  borders  of  Baljylonia, 
beside  a  certain  river,  a  battle  was  fought  between 
the  Persians  and  Babylonians.  The  army  of  the  lat- 
ter was  defeated,  and  Nabonidus  fled.  A  few  days 
later,  the  north  Babylonian  town  of  Sippar  surren- 
dered without  resistance  to  Gobryas,  the  commander 
of  the  forces  of  Cyrus.  Within  two  days  more  (about 
October  10th)  the  Persian  general  was  in  possession 
of  Babylon.  As  the  chronicle  distinctly  states,  the 
gates  of  the  city  were  opened  to  the  Persians  without 
a  battle  (ii.  8-16).  The  only  resistance,  if  any,  was 
offered"  by  the  garrison  occupying  the  great  temple 
within  the  walls.  In  the  clear  light  of  the  inscrip- 
tions, it  is  evident  that  the  elaborate  tale  of  Herodo- 


THE  CAPTURE  OE  BABYLON         121 

tiis  to  the  effect  that  Cyrus  turned  the  waters  of  the 
Euphrates  into  the  great  basin  made  by  Nebuchad- 
.rezzar  and  entered  the  city  while  its  inhabitants 
were  so  engaged  in  a  feast  that  they  neglected  to 
close  the  water  gates,  has  been  given  a  wrong  setting. 
It  must  refer  rather  to  the  second  capture  of  Babylon 
by  Darius  about  twenty  years  later. 

109.  The  inscription  of  Cyrus  states  that  Naboni- 
dus  was  among  the  captives.  According  to  the  Greek 
traditions  he  was  banished  to  Carmania.  About  two 
weeks  after  its  capture  by  his  army,  Cyrus  made  his 
triumphant  entrance  (about  October  24th)  into  Baby- 
lon. Then  the  hopes,  which  had  led  the  inhabitants 
to  throw  themselves  upon  his  mercy,  were  not  disap- 
pointed. "  Peace  he  gave  to  the  town.  Peace  he  pro- 
claimed to  all  the  Babylonians"  (Nab. -Cyrus  Chr.  ii. 
19,  20).  Zealously  espousing  the  cause  of  the  religion 
of  the  conquered,  he  carefully  restored  to  their  sacred 
sites  the  images  of  the  gods  which  had  been  trans- 
ported to  Babylon  by  Nabonidus.  In  the  remarkable 
cylinder,  which  comes  from  Cyrus  himself,  he  expa- 
tiates at  length  upon  his  clemency  toward  his  new 
subjects  and  upon  his  devotion  to  their  gods.  Great 
precautions  were  taken  that  wrong  should  be  done  to 
none,  and  that  individual  rights  should  be  respected. 
The  fortifications  of  Babylon,  which  under  Nabonidus 
had  been  allowed  to  fall  into  partial  decay,  were 
repaired.  The  temples  of  the  gods  of  Babylon  were 
restored  and  embellished.  Repeatedly  and  unre- 
servedly Cyrus  proclaimed  himself  and  his  son  Cam- 
byses,  whom  he  associated  with  him.self  as  king  of 
Babylon,  to  be  devoted  worshippers  of  Marduk,  Bel, 
and  Nebo,  the  gods  of  his  new  subjects  (Cyrus  Cyl. 


122     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

33-36).  Indeed  he  introduces  into  liis  inscription  a 
message,  which  he  claims  to  have  received  from  the 
great  Marduk,  directed  to  "Cyrus,  v/ho  reveres  him" 
(lines  27,  28).  Any  monotheistic  tendencies  which 
the  conqueror  of  Babylon  may  have  had,  evidently  did 
not  exert  a  very  potent  influence  in  determining  the 
nature  of  his  public  acts.  The  inscriptions  reveal, 
not  only  the  supreme  skill  of  Cyrus  as  a  diplomat,  but 
also  the  nature  of  the  policy  which  governed  his  rela- 
tions with  subject  peoples.  It  was  tlie  antithesis  of 
that  of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  who  had  en- 
deavored to  establish  their  supremacy  by  crushing  the 
nations  under  them  so  completely  tliat  all  opposition 
was  impossible;  for  Cyrus,  by  acts  of  clemency  and 
toleration,  appealed  to  the  gratitude  and  loyalty  of 
the  conquered.  It  was  in  the  practical  development 
of  this  policy  that  he  and  his  immediate  successors 
ever  figured  as  the  nominal  worshippers,  as  well  as 
the  generous  patrons,  of  the  gods  of  the  nations  under 
their  rule. 

110.  It  was,  therefore,  with  real  joy  that  the 
princes  of  the  western  cities  and  provinces,  formerly 
tributary  to  Babylon,  hastened  to  send  their  ambassa- 
dors to  kiss  the  feet  of  this  new  master  in  token  of 
submission.  Equally  significant,  in  the  light  which 
it  sheds  upon  Jewish  history,  is  the  statement  of 
Cyrus,  which  follows  the  account  of  the  reception 
given  these  ambassadors:  "The  gods,  whose  sanctu- 
aries from  of  old  had  lain  in  ruins,  I  brought  back 
again  to  their  dwelling  places  and  caused  them  to  re- 
side there  forever.  All  of  the  citizens  of  these  lands 
I  assembled,  and  I  restored  them  to  their  homes  " 
(Cyrus  Cyl.   31-32).      The  most  natural  inference  to 


PERMISSION  TO  REBUILD  THE   TEMPLE  123 

!)e  drawn  from  this  passage  is  that  general  permission 
\yas  given  to  all  exiles  found  in  his  newly  conquered 
province  to  return  to  their  native  lands,  taking  with 
them  the  booty  stripped  from  their  temples  by  the 
avaricious  Babylonians. 

111.  To  the  Jews,  as  well  as  to  their  neighbors, 
Cyrus  proved  a  mighty  deliverer,  for  to  them  all  the 
same  general  concessions  were  undoubtedly  granted. 
In  carrying  out  the  details  of  the  policy,  which  the 
great  conqueror  so  plainly  outlines,  special  enact- 
ments were  also  required.  It  is  therefore  more  than 
probable  that  a  decree,  relating  especially  to  the 
Jewish  people,  was  the  original  of  the  one  which  the 
chronicler  cites  in  Ezra  vi.  3-5  from  the  older  Ara- 
maic document,  and  which  purports  to  be  a  citation 
from  the  state  records  found  in  Ecbatana  during  the 
reign  of  Darius:  "In  the  first  year  of  Cyrus  the  king 
[of  Babylon],  Cyrus  the  king  made  a  decree:  ^Con- 
cerning the  house  of  God  at  Jerusalem,  let  the  house 
be  builded,  the  place  w^here  they  offer  sacrifices,  and 
let  the  foundations  thereof  be  strongly  laid ;  the  height 
thereof  sixty  cubits  and  the  breadth  sixty  cubits,  with 
three  rows  of  stones  and  a  row  of  new  timber :  and  let 
the  expenses  be  given  out  of  the  king's  house:  and 
also  let  the  gold  and  silver  vessels  of  the  house  of 
God,  which  Nebuchadrezzar  took  forth  out  of  the 
temple  which  is  at  Jerusalem,  and  brought  unto 
Babylon,  be  restored  and  brought  again  into  the 
temple  which  is  at  Jerusalem,  every  one  to  its  place, 
and  you  shall  put  them  in  the  house  of  God. '  "  The 
influence  of  the  Jewish  thought  and  form  of  expres- 
sion is  plainly  evident,  but  in  general  it  is  in  har- 
mony with  the  known  decrees  of  Cyrus. 


124     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OE  JEWISH   HISTORY 

112.  The  same  Aramaic  document  which  the  chron- 
icler has  quoted,  with  little  if  any  change,  in  v.  13-16, 
states  that  Cyrus  instituted  measures  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Jewish  temple.  To  a  certain  Sheshbazzar, 
whom  the  great  king  appointed  governor  of  Judah, 
were  intrusted  the  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  found  by 
Cyrus  in  Babylon,  where  they  had  been  carried  by 
Nebuchadrezzar  from  the  former  temple  at  Jerusalem. 
Although  the  narrative  is  late,  its  testimony  is  sub- 
stantiated by  the  fact  that  Cyrus  in  his  inscriptions 
distinctly  states  that  he  devoted  his  attention  to  re- 
storing the  idols  found  in  Babylon  to  their  original 
temples.  In  the  absence  of  idols,  the  sacred  vessels 
from  Jehovah's  temple  v/ould  most  naturally  be  re- 
turned. Undoubtedly  the  acts  of  Cyrus  were  prompted 
by  politic  motives.  His  general  policy  of  conciliation 
has  already  been  noted.  In  the  case  of  the  Jews^ 
aside  from  the  possibility  that  he  recognized  in  their 
religion  a  cult  kindred  to  that  of  the  Persians,  there 
was  an  added  reason  for  their  being  special  objects  of 
his  royal  favor.  Egypt  was  the  third  and  last  of  those 
great  empires  which  had  sought  by  joining  forces  to 
check  him  at  the  beginning  of  his  career  of  conquest. 
Already  he  was  contemplating  the  conquest  of  Egypt, 
which  his  son  Cambyses  carried  into  execution.  To 
accomplish  this  project  successfully,  the  loyal  adher- 
ence of  the  states  of  Palestine  was  essential.  Thus 
the  old  rivalry  between  the  East  and  the  West  again 
became  a  determining  factor  in  the  history  of  the 
Jews.  As  has  already  been  noted  (sect.  23),  the  reli- 
gious L'jth  of  both  the  Samaritans  and  the  Jews  in 
Canaan  centred  about  the  ruined  site  of  the  temple 
at  Jerusalem,  as  about  no  other  shrine.     If  the  Ions:- 


THE   CONSTRUCTIVE   POLICY   OF   CYRUS  125 

ing  to  see  the  temple  rebuilt  was  as  intense  among 
the  exiles  in  Babylon,  as  is  suggested  by  their  writ- 
ings, it  must  have  been  still  stronger  among  the 
"remnant  in  the  land."  No  action  on  the  part  of 
Cyrus,  therefore,  was  better  calculated  to  command 
the  grateful  loyalty  of  a  strategically  important  body 
of  his  subjects  than  to  figure  as  a  patron  of  their 
revered  sanctuary. 

113.  Incidentally  such  a  policy  would  also  power- 
fully attract  the  large  body  of  Jewish  refugees  in 
Egypt.  It  is  a  noticeable  fact  that  the  oldest  version 
of  the  decree  of  Cyrus  respecting  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple  makes  no  reference  to  the  return  of  the  Jews 
in  Babylon,  but  considers  only  the  Jews  living  in 
the  province  of  Judah  (Ezra  vi.  3).  The  Persian 
monarch  was  seeking  to  solve  a  political  not  a  racial 
problem.  The  policy  whereby  he  attempted  to  undo 
the  desolation  wrought  by  Babylonian  armies,  and  to 
cement  into  a  united  whole  even  the  extreme  prov- 
inces of  his  empire,  was  most  commendable.  The 
restoration  of  the  Jewish  race,  as  the  great  unknown 
prophet  of  the  exile  clearly  proclaimed,  depended  only 
upon  whether  or  not  its  individual  members  were 
ready  to  make  personal  interests  secondary  to  those 
of  their  race  and  religion.  The  political  barriers 
had  been  completely  swept  away;  the  exiles  were  at 
perfect  liberty  to  return,  indeed  there  is  good  reason 
to  believe  that  Cyrus  would  have  welcomed  a  gen- 
eral influx  of  people  into  the  territory  of  central 
Canaan.  The  real  question  of  the  age  is.  Did  the 
Jews,  and  especially  those  in  Babylon,  impro'.e  their 
opportunity  ? 


Ill 


THE   KEVIVAL   OF   THE   JEWISH   COMMUNITY  IN 
PALESTINE 

114.  The  widely -accepted  tradition  of  the  imme- 
diate return  of  a  large  body  of  Jews  from  Babylon 
rests  solely  on  the  doubtful  testimony  of  the  chron- 
icler. Living  two  or  three  centuries  later,  when  the 
popular  memory  of  those  distant  events  was  very 
shadowy,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  think  that 
the  foundations  of  that  temple  which  he  revered  so 
highly,  were  laid  by  loyal  exiles  who  returned  for  the 
purpose,  instead  of  by  those  who  remained  behind, 
whom  he,  with  his  generation,  intensely  despised. 
The  hopes  so  frequently  expressed  in  the  prophecies 
contained  in  Isaiah  xl.  to  Iv.,  of  another  exodus  into 
Canaan,  undoubtedly  encouraged  him  to  entertain  a 
theory  so  acceptable  to  him  (compare  the  language  of 
Ezra  i.). 

115.  A  closer  study,  however,  of  Isaiah  xl.  to  Iv. 
indicates  that  the  attitude  of  his  fellow-exiles  toward 
a  return  chilled  the  prophetic  enthusiasm  of  the  author 
and  aroused  grave  doubts  in  his  mind  whether  they 
would  respond  when  tlie  opportunity  came.  Repeat- 
edly he  chided  them  for  their  obstinacy  (xlvi.  12 ; 
xlviii.  4).  Above  all,  lie  lamented  the  lack  of  a 
leader  to   rally  them.      ''There  is  none  to  guide  her 


REASONS   WHY  THE   EXILES   DID    NOT   RETURN     127 

among  all  the  sons  whom  she  hath  brought  forth ; 
neither  is  there  any  tliat  taketh  her  by  the  hand  " 
(li.  18).  If  portions  of  chapters  xl.  to  Iv.  were  writ- 
ten a  little  after  the  capture  of  Babylon,  then  1.  2 
voices  the  disappointment  which  filled  the  soul  of 
Jehovah's  messenger:  "Wherefore  when  I  came  was 
there  no  man  ?  When  I  called,  was  there  none  to 
answer  ?  Is  my  hand  shortened  at  all  that  I  could  not 
redeem  ?  or  had  I  no  power  to  deliver  ?  "  It  requires 
little  imagination  to  appreciate  the  reasons  which 
deterred  the  exiles  from  returning.  The  long,  dan- 
gerous journey  across  the  desert,  which  they  or  their 
fathers  had  made  as  captives  under  the  guidance  of 
their  Babylonian  captors,  was  in  itself  enough  to 
appall  the  bravest.  Palestine,  with  its  desolate  ruins 
and  treacherous  foes,  offered  far  more  terrors  than 
attractions.  Their  brethren  who  remained  behind 
were  repeatedly  declared  by  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  to 
be  far  inferior  to  those  who  were  carried  away,  and 
their  role  in  post-exilic  history  furnishes  no  reasons 
for  chanoing  this  estimate, 

CD  O 

116.  On  the  other  hand,  their  homes  and  friends, 
all  that  was  dear  to  them  except  their  native  land 
itself  —  and  that  was  still  desolate  —  bound  them  to 
the  country  of  their  adoption.  Under  the  rule  of 
Cyrus,  any  restrictions  which  before  may  have  limited 
them  were  removed,  and  they  were  free  to  enjoy,  on 
an  equality  with  the  Babylonians,  the  opportunities 
and  pleasures  offered  by  the  rich  valley  of  the 
Euphrates.  As  a  result  of  their  own  choice,  the  exile 
for  most  of  them  never  ended.  True  to  their  national 
instincts,  they  continued  to  live  in  colonies  by  them- 
selves, retaining  their  social  organization,  their  cus- 


128     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OE   JEWISH   HISTORY 

toms,  and  their  religion,  constituting  so  many 
individual  units  in  the  great  Persian  empire.  The 
recent  excavations  at  Nippur  have  unearthed  a  wealth 
of  cuneiform  tablets,  from  the  reigns  of  Artaxerxes  and 
Darius,  bearing  many  familiar  Jewish  names,  such  as 
Samson  (Samshanu),  Nathanael  (Natan-ili),  Shimeon 
(Shamakkunu),  Gedaliah  (Gadaliama),  and  Menahem 
(Minakh-Khimmu).  Traces  of  the  presence  of  a  large 
Jewish  colony  living  in  Nippur  long  after  the  Chris- 
tian era  have  also  been  found.  Babylonia,  as  is  well 
known,  immediately  after  the  beginning  of  the  present 
era,  continued  to  be  recognized  as  one  of  the  three 
most  important  centres  of  Judaism.  From  this  point 
the  Jews  rapidly  spread  to  Ecbatana,  Susa,  and  other 
great  cities  of  the  Persian  empire.  For  the  next  cen- 
tury, in  wealth  and  intelligence,  and  probably  also  in 
numbers,  they  certainly  far  surpassed  their  kinsmen 
in  Judah.  Although  for  a  variety  of  reasons  they 
refused  to  return  in  person,  they  were  by  no  means  all 
apostates  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers.  Their  interest 
still  centred  about  Jerusalem,  and  they  were  ever 
ready  to  assist  by  their  gifts  the  work  of  national  re- 
vival. When  in  time  conditions  became  more  unfavor- 
able in  the  East,  or  more  favorable  in  Judah,  many  of 
their  descendants  improved  the  opportunity  to  return. 
117.  Aside  from  the  setting  given  to  them  by  the 
chronicler,  there  is  nothing  to  support  the  conclusion 
that  the  list  in  Ezra  ii.  and  its  parallel,  Nehemiah 
vii.,  contain  the  census  of  those  who  returned  together, 
immediately  after  538  b.  c.  According  to  its  super- 
scription, the  census  purports  to  include  those  found 
in  the  province  of  Judah  who  had  returned  from  Baby- 
lon.    It  is  not  distinctly  stated  when  they  returned, 


DATE   OF   THE   CENSUS   OF  EZRA   11.  129 

but  this  must  be  inferred  from  tb.e  list  of  the  leaders 
which  immediately  follows.  The  names  of  Zerub- 
babel  and  Joshua,  whom  we  know  were  in  Jerusalem 
at  least  by  520  b.  c,  stand  first.  Then  follows  that  of 
Nehemiah,  who  is,  in  all  probability,  the  Nehemiah 
who  in  445  b.  c.  returned,  bringing  back  a  retinue  of 
servants  and  some  loyal  patriots  like  himself.  Next 
in  the  list,  found  in  the  Book  of  Nehemiah,  follows 
the  name  of  Azariah,  which  in  the  Hebrew  is  practi- 
cally identical  with  Ezra.  This  name  originally  was, 
in  all  probability,  that  of  the  priest  who  was  asso- 
ciated so  closely  with  Nehemiah.  He,  according  to 
Ezra  viii.  1-20,  led  back  exiles  enlisted  from  differ- 
ent clans,  wdiose  names  correspond  throughout  very 
closely  with  those  in  the  lists  before  us.  The  name 
"Seraiah,"  found  in  the  corresponding  passage,  Ezra 
ii.  2,  may  be  due  to  the  mistake  of  a  copyist  or  of 
the  chronicler,  who  had  in  mind  Ezra  vii.  1,  where 
Seraiah  is  mentioned  as  the  father  of  Ezra.  Among 
the  names  of  other  leaders,  who,  from  their  order  in 
the  context,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  led  back  companies  of 
exiles,  subsequently,  to  the  age  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra, 
appears  that  of  Mordecai,  derived  from  the  name  of 
the  Babylonian  god  Marduk.  It  also  reappears  in  the 
Book  of  Esther  as  the  name  of  a  prominent  Jew  of  the 
Persian  period.  At  least  one  of  the  names  in  the  list, 
Bigvai,  is  generally  recognized  as  of  Persian  origin, 
being  derived  from  Baga^  god.  Obviously  a  Persian 
name  would  not  be  given  to  a  Hebrew  chieftain  until 
Persian  influence  had  been  paramount  in  the  land  of 
the  exile  for  a  generation  at  least.  The  fact  that  this 
non-Hebrew  name  is  also  borne  by  a  tribe  numbering 
over  two  thousand  (Ezra  ii.  14),  as  well  as  that  the 

9 


130     THE  PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

name  of  Joshua  the  priest  has  become  the  designa- 
tion of  a  priestly  tribe,  numbering  nine  hundred  and 
seventy4hree  (Ezra  ii..  36),  all  strongly  suggest  that 
the  census  reported  in  these  lists  was  taken  late  in 
the  Persian  period. 

118.  This  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  character 
of  the  lists  themselves.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
citizens  of  the  province  of  Judah  are  classified  accord- 
ing to  the  towns  which  they  inhabit  (see  Ezra  ii.  20- 
29,  33-34;  compare  Nehemiah  iii.),  being  designated 
as  the  "sons"  of  Gibeon  or  of  Bethlehem  or  of 
Jericho,  or  else  as  the  "men"  of  Michmash  or  of 
Bethel.  Since  it  is  a  well-established  fact  (sect. 
215)  that  these  nineteen  towns  v»'ere  certainly  not  all 
in  possession  of  the  Jews  before  the  latter  part  of  the 
Persian  period,  the  inference  is  obvious  that  the  census 
was  taken  nearer  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great  than 
that  of  Cyrus.  As  has  been  shown,  the  long  list  of 
the  priests,  singers,  porters,  Nethinim,  and  the  chil- 
dren of  Solomon's  servants  is,  in  its  present  form, 
from  the  chronicler  and,  if  based  upon  an  earlier  list, 
points  to  a  period  when  the  temple  service  and  equip- 
ment was  much  more  highly  developed  than  even  in 
the  days  of  Nehemiah  (compare  Neh.  i.  to  vi.  ;  also 
chronicler's  list,  Neh.  xii. ). 

119.  Obviously,  therefore,  the  present  lists  throw 
little  light  upon  the  number  and  character  of  those 
who  returned  immediately  after  538  b.  c.  That  they 
were  few  and  unimportant  is  also  evident  from  the  tes- 
timony of  our  only  contemporary  records,  the  prophe- 
cies of  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  Surely  about  forty 
thousand  could  not  have  returned  at  this  time  with- 
out receiving  the  slightest  reference  in  either  of  these 


EVIDENCE   AGAINST  A   RETURN  FROM  BABYLON     131 

prophecies,  which  portray  so  vividly  conditions  within 
the  Jewish  community  about  520  B.  c.  Not  only  is 
there  no  reference  to  anything  suggesting  a  general 
return,  but  the  prophets  constantly  address  their  audi- 
ences as  "  the  people  of  the  land  "  (Hag.  ii.  4 ;  Zech. 
vii.  5),  or  as  "the  people  who  have  been  left"  (Hag. 
i.  12,  14;  ii.  2;  Zech.  viii.  6,  11,  12).  Thus  they 
refer  to  them  in  the  same  terms  as  Jeremiah  did  to 
those  who  remained  with  him  in  Judah  after  the  first 
captivity  (Jer.  xlii.  2,  15,  19;  xliii.  5;  xliv.  7,  12, 
14).  A  few  generations  later,  when  a  deputation 
visited  Nehemiah  at  Susa,  his  inquiry  was  not :  "  How 
are  the  returned  ?  "  but,  "  What  is  the  condition  of  the 
Jews  in  Judah  who  escaped,  who  were  left  behind  from 
the  captivity  ?  "  The  reply  of  the  men,  who  had  come 
direct  from  Palestine,  is  also  conclusive  evidence  that 
there  had  been  as  yet  no  general  return  of  the  Jews  from 
Babylon  (Neh.  i.  3).  The  community  to  which  we  are 
introduced  through  the  Aramaic  document  in  Ezra,  as 
well  as  through  the  prophecies  of  Haggai  and  Zecha- 
riah,  and  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah,  is  small,  poor, 
and  struggling.  Zechariah,  in  520  b.  c,  regarded  the 
years  that  had  followed  the  great  victory  of  Cyrus  as 
discouraging  for  Jerusalem  and  the  cities  of  Judah 
as  the  half  century  that  had  preceded.  For  seventy 
years  the  shadow  of  Jehovah's  displeasure  had  rested 
upon  them,  and  there  had  been  no  rift  to  lighten  their 
gloom  (i.  12).  If  half  of  forty  thousand  loyal  Jews 
returned  from  Babylon  in  537  B.  c,  such  words  as 
these  would  have  been  impossible.  Like  the  great 
prophet  of  the  exile,  Zechariah  still  urges:  "Ho, 
Zion,  escape  thou  that  dwellest  with  the  daughter  of 
Babylon "  (ii.   7).     The  general  return  of  the  exiles 


132    THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

is  yet  in  the  future.  Incredulous  as  are  the  prophet's 
hearers,  "the  people  who  have  remained  in  the  land," 
he  declares :  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord :  Behold,  I  will 
save  my  people  from  the  east  country,  and  from  the 
west  country ;  and  I  will  bring  them  and  they  shall 
dwell  in  the  midst  of  Jerusalem  "  (viii.  7,  8).  Then 
he  trusts  that  the  barren  city  and  the  encircling  towns 
will  again  be  inhabited  and  prosperous  (vii.  7). 

120.  At  the  same  time  the  evidence  does  not  pre- 
clude but  rather  supports  the  conclusion  that  some  of 
the  Jewish  exiles  in  the  East  before  long  availed  them- 
selves of  the  permission  of  Cyrus  to  return  from  Baby- 
lon and  so  had  a  part  in  the  building  of  the  temple. 
The  first  governor  of  Judah,  Sheshbazzar,  whom  the 
chronicler  designates  as  the  "  prince  of  Judah  "  and 
seems  to  identify  as  a  son  of  the  captive  Jewish  king 
Jehoiakin,  and  therefore  as  an  uncle  of  Zerubbabel 
(I.  Chrs.  iii.  16-19),  probably  took  some  Jews  with 
him  in  his  retinue.  His  successor,  Zerubbabel  the  son 
of  Shealtiel,  and  the  grandson  of  Jehoiakin,  was  un- 
doubtedly born  in  Babylon.  "  Begotten  in  Babylon  " 
is  the  most  probable  meaning  of  his  name.  Joshua, 
who  belonged  to  the  leading  priestly  family,  must  have 
been  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  large  number  of  temple 
priests  who,  together  with  the  royal  captives,  were 
carried  to  Babylon  by  Nebuchadrezzar.  Each  of  these 
leaders,  as  the  list  in  Ezra  ii.  (Neh.  vii.)  suggests,  must 
have  brought  some  of  their  brethren  to  assist  them  as 
they  returned  to  enter  upon  their  duties  at  Jerusalem. 
Zechariah  also  refers  to  "  those  of  the  captivity  ;  "  and 
gives  the  names  of  three  men,  Heldai,  Tobijah,  and 
Jcdaiah,  who  had  recently  come  from  Babylon,  bring- 
ing silver  and  gold,  presumably  as  a  contribution  from 


PERSONNEL   OF  THE   JEWISH   COMMUNITY        133 

the  Jews  remaining  there,  toward  the  building  of  the 
temple.  Together  these  little  bands  of  Jews,  who 
returned  at  different  times  during  the  fifteen  or  twenty 
years  following  the  revolutionizing  victory  of  Cyrus, 
constituted  such  a  small  part  of  the  colony  in  Judah 
that  the  prophets  in  preaching  to  the  people  could 
j)roperly  ignore  them.  At  the  same  time  the  intellect- 
ual and  religious  influence  which  they  exerted,  was 
undoubtedly  far  greater  than  their  numbers. 

121.  In  the  light  of  the  conditions  which  existed  in 
Palestine  during  the  earlier  days  of  the  exile,  it  is  clear 
that,  as  Haggai  and  Zechariah  imply,  the  community 
which  they  addressed  consisted  almost  entirely  of 
those  Jews,  Calebites  and  Jcrahmeelites  (sect.  22), 
who  had  been  left  behind  in  586  b.  c.^  and  of  those 
who  had  fled  to  the  lands  immediately  adjacent  to 
Palestine.  When  Sheshbazzar  was  made  governor  of 
Judah,  and  the  benign  policy  of  Cyrus  became  known, 
undoubtedly  many  more  Jews  who  had  taken  refuge 
among  the  surrounding  nations,  and  who  were  eagerly 
awaiting  a  favorable  opportunity  to  return,  rallied  to 
his  standard.  Egypt  certainly  contained  thousands  of 
such  exiles,  who  were  in  closest  communication  with 
their  brethren  in  Palestine,  and  who  were  only  a  few 
days'  journey  from  the  land  of  their  nativity  (sects. 
24,  25).  Since  they  had  not  been  carried  into  exile, 
they  would  naturally  be  reckoned  as  "  the  people  of 
the  land "  or  as  "  the  people  who  had  been  left 
behind." 

122.  The  testimony  of  these  cumulative  facts  fur- 
nishes the  true  starting  point  for  the  appreciation  of 
the  history  of  the  revived  Jewish  community  during 
the  next  two  centuries.     The   possibilities   presented 


134     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   PUSTORY 

by  the  great  unknown  prophet  of  the  exile  were  only 
partially  realized.  Jehovah,  through  his  "  Messiah," 
Cyrus,  prepared  the  way  ;  a  certain  number  improved 
the  opportunity  ;  but  the  majority  of  those  in  Babylon 
w^ere,  as  their  enlightened  prophet  feared,  unequal  to 
the  sacrifice.  The  growth  of  the  community  in  Judah, 
after  it  received  its  first  accessions,  was  gradual,  and 
its  life  proved  to  be  a  long,  painful  struggle.  The 
term  "  Revival  "  describes  the  real  facts  better  than 
either  "  Restoration  "  or  "  Return  ;  "  for  no  sudden 
transformation  signalized  the  fortunes  of  tlie  little 
Jewish  colony  in  Judah  immediately  after  538  B.  c. 
Darius  I.,  not  Cyrus,  reorganized  the  Persian  empire. 
Only  in  time  did  the  Jews  of  Palestine  realize  fully 
what  a  marvellous  change  had  come  over  their  political 
horizon.  Judging  from  later  usage,  as  well  as  from 
the  testimony  of  the  chronicler,  from  the  first  they 
were  allowed  to  have  over  them  a  governor  of  their 
own  race.  The  more  just  and  kindly  rule  of  Persia 
gave  them  new  opportunities  for  development.  With 
a  recognized  leader,  they  were  in  a  position  better 
to  defend  themselves  against  their  neighboring  foes. 
Their  hearts  were  doubtless  also  gladdened  by  the 
appearance  of  bands  of  refugees  returning  from  Egypt. 
At  times  also  they  were  inspired  with  hopes  of  a  com- 
plete national  restoration  by  the  return  of  exiles  from 
distant  Babylon,  laden  with  gifts  for  their  poor  kins- 
men in  Judah  (Zech.  vi.  9-15).  Above  all,  these 
returning  exiles  brought  the  rich  fruitage  of  the  higher 
religious  life  which  they  had  experienced  in  the  East. 
Thus  there  are  good  grounds  for  believing  that  at  this 
early  period  the  Jews  of  Babylon  began  to  exercise 
upon  their  kinsmen  in  Palestine  that  powerful  religious 


CONDITIONS  IN  JUDAH  BETWEEN  538  AND  520  B.  C.     135 

influence   which    was    destined   in   time    radically   to 
transform  the  character  of  the  Judean  communit3\ 

123.  Already  we  have  seen  that,  during  the  period 
of  the  Babylonian  exile,  a  rude  altar  had  been  built, 
and  solemn  services  were  performed  on  the  site  of  the 
ruined  temple.  The  Cyrus  decree,  which  must  have 
been  issued  about  538  b.  c. ,  reads:  "Concerning  the 
house  of  God  at  Jerusalem,  let  the  house  be  builded, 
the  place  where  they  offer  sacrifices,  and  let  its  foun- 
dations be  strongly  laid."  The  prophet  Haggai  also 
refers  to  the  system  of  sacrifices  which  was  in  force 
long  before  active  work  was  begun  on  the  rebuilding 
of  the  house  of  the  Lord  (ii.  14).  Since  its  founda- 
tion was  formally  laid  in  520  b.  c,  as  a  result  of  the 
preaching  of  Haggai,  it  is  difiicult  to  trace  much  defi- 
nite religious  progress  during  the  first  decade  and  a 
half  of  the  Persian  period.  Possibly  the  foi^m  of  lay- 
ing a  foundation  of  the  temple  was  gone  through  with 
under  the  direction  of  Sheshbazzar,  soon  after  538 
B.  c,  so  as  to  satisfy  the  conditions  of  the  decree  of 
Cyrus.  It  is  also  reasonable  to  conclude  with  the 
chronicler  that  the  zealous  Jews  who  returned  from 
Babylon  established  henceforth  a  simple  but  more 
regular  service  on  the  sacred  site  (Ezra  iii.  ;  compare 
Hag.  ii.  10-16;  Zech.  vii.);  and  that  they  probably 
made  some  preparations  for  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple.  In  one  section  of  the  Aramaic  document,  it 
is  claimed  by  the  contemporaries  of  Haggai  that  it 
had  been  building  since  the  conquest  of  Cyrus  (Ezra 
V.  16).  In  the  light  of  the  context,  however,  and  of 
Haggai 's  plain  assertion  that  before  520  b.  c.  not  one 
stone  had  been  laid  upon  another  (ii.  15),  the  statement 
appears   to  have  been  made  to  avert  the  dangers  of 


136     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the    moment.      The    reasons  why  really  nothing   had 
been  accomplished  were  probably,  not  so  much  because 
of  the  opposition  of  "the  people  of  the  land"  (as  the 
chronicler  suggests  in  Ezra  iv.  1-6),  for,  until  the  time 
of  Nehemiah,  the  Samaritans  at  least  were  allowed  to 
worship  with  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem  (see  sects.  146, 
205),  but,  as  is  clearly  stated  by  Haggai,  they  were  be- 
cause the  little  community  was  still  desperately  Avcak, 
both  in  resources  and  influence.     It  was   but  natural 
that,  as  soon  as  Cyrus  granted  them  permission,  they 
should  devote  themselves  first  to  building  better  houses 
which  would    protect   themselves   and  their   families 
from  the  inclement  climate  of  Palestine.     In  barren 
Judah  this  task  required  considerable  time,  for  the 
returned  refugees  at  least  were  obliged  to  begin  as 
pioneers,  and  those  who  had  remained  were  pitiably 
destitute.      They   were  dependent   upon  the  soil  for 
subsistence,   and  in  those  opening  years  their  labors 
bore  little  fruit.     About  527  b.  c.  the  armies  of  Persia 
began  to  march  through  Palestine  to  Egypt,  and  upon 
the  Jews  undoubtedly  fell  in  part  the  burden  of  their 
support.     Sadly  discouraging  seemed  the  contrast  be- 
tween the  glowing  promises  of  the  great  prophet  of  the 
exile  and  the  dark  reality.     Memories  of  the  glories 
of  the  past  temple  still  lingered  in  their  minds,  and 
they  could  not  decide   to  rear  such  an  insignificant 
structure    as   the  materials  at  their  command  alone 
made   possible.      "The   time   has   not  come  for  the 
Lord's  house  to  be  built "  was  the  commonly  accepted 
conclusion.     Not  until  520  B.  c.  did  the  man  arise  to 
proclaim  to  them  that  "  now  is  the  acceptable  day  of 
the  Lord." 


IV 

THE  KEBUILDING   OF   THE   TEMPLE   AND   THE 
SERMONS   OF  HAGGAI 

124.  In  529  b.  c.  Cyrus,  the  founder  of  the  Persian 
empire,  died.  The  chief  event  in  the  reign  of  his 
son,  and  successor,  Cambyses,  was  the  conquest  of 
Egypt,  which  was  completed  in  525  b.  c.  By  his 
ahiiost  insane  acts  of  cruelty  the  new  king  alienated 
his  subjects  and  drove  them  to  rebellion.  When  in 
522  (or  in  521)  b.  c.  he  set  out  to  return  from  Egypt 
to  his  capital,  news  came  that  a  certain  Gaumata, 
known  to  the  Greeks  as  Gomates,  the  Magian,  had 
announced  himself  to  be  the  brother  Bardes,  whom 
Cambyses  had  caused  to  be  secretly  slain,  and  that  he 
had  attracted  to  his  standard  a  majority  of  the  people 
in  the  empire.  Although  in  command  of  a  well- 
trained  army,  Cambyses,  when  he  had  returned  as 
far  as  Hamath  in  Syria,  preferred  to  take  his  own  life 
rather  than  contest  the  throne  with  the  impostor. 

125.  Left  without  an  open  rival,  Gaumata,  by 
granting  popular  concessions  and  by  establishing  a 
system  of  terrorization,  succeeded  in  maintaining  his 
authority  for  a  few  months  (Behistun  Inscript.  i.  12). 
In  the  autumn  of  521  b.  c.  the  Persian  nobles  formed 
a  conspiracy  and  slew  the  impostor.  The  leader  of 
the  conspirators  was  Darius,  who  claimed  to  be  a  de- 
scendant, through  a  parallel  branch  of  the  royal  family 


138     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

of  the  AchEemcnidse  from  which  Cyrus  had  come. 
He  was  at  once  elected  by  his  colleagues  to  the  vacant 
throne.  His  first  act  was  to  strengthen  his  position 
by  marrying  Atossa,  the  daughter  of  Cyrus.  If  he 
was  to  rule  supreme  over  the  entire  Persian  empire, 
ability  even  greater  than  that  of  its  founder  was  de- 
manded, for  the  slain  Gaumata  begot  a  brood  of  false 
pretenders,  and  his  death  was  the  signal  for  revolt  in 
many  parts  of  the  empire.  In  Susiana  a  certain 
Athrina  led  a  rebellion  which  was  quickly  put  down, 
only  to  be  followed  a  little  later  by  another  in  the 
same  province.  A  more  formidable  revolt  was  that  of 
the  Babylonians  headed  by  Nidintubel,  who  assumed 
the  popular  title  of  Nebuchadrezzar  HI.  While  Darius 
was  personally  engaged  in  subduing  the  Babylo- 
nians, a  Phraortes  appeared  among  the  Medes,  who 
took  the  historic  name  of  Cyaxares,  and  among  the 
Persians  arose  another  pseudo-Bardes,  both  of  whom 
commanded  large  foUowings.  In  the  summer  of  520 
B.  c.  Babylon  was  captured  by  Darius,  and  he  was  then 
able  to  give  his  personal  attention  to  subduing  the 
Medes.  The  Babylonians  soon  revolted  again  under 
the  leadership  of  another  pretender,  who  also  assumed 
the  name  of  Nebuchadrezzar  III.  During  this  period 
of  chaos,  many  of  the  more  distant  provinces  improved 
the  occasion  to  throw  off  the  Persian  yol^'e.  Against 
such  odds  the  ultimate  success  of  the  youthful  Darius 
must  have  seemed  very  questionable.  That  the  integ- 
rity of  the  Persian  empire,  composed  as  it  was  of  het- 
erogeneous elements  only  imperfectly  organized,  could 
be  maintained,  was  exceedingly  doubtful.  Not  until 
the  spring  of  519  b,  c.  did  it  become  evident  that 
Darius  was  master  of  the  situation. 


THE   INFLUENCE   OF  THE   CRISES   IN  THE   EAST     139 

126.  It  was  no  mere  coincidence  that  the  prophets 
Haggai  and  Zechariah  came  forward  with  their  ex- 
hortations and  predictions  in  the  autumn  of  520  b.  c, 
when  each  message  which  came  from  the  East  told  of 
a  new  rebellion  and  greater  political  confusion,  so  that 
the  Persian  empire  seemed  about  to  be  torn  to  shreds. 
Almost  every  earlier  prophecy  which  has  been  pre- 
served was  called  forth  by  some  political  or  social 
crisis.  Those  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  are  no  excep- 
tions. For  more  than  two  centuries  the  political  life 
of  Judah  had  been  determined  by  the  influence  which 
proceeded  from  beyond  the  Euphrates.  A  large  pro- 
portion of  the  Jewish  race  was  still  found  in  the  valley 
of  the  great  rivers.  It  would  have  been  strange  in- 
deed, if  the  feelings  of  the  struggling  community  in 
Palestine  had  not  been  powerfully  affected  by  the 
mighty  convulsions  which  were  then  shaking  the 
world. 

127.  Not  a  few  reflections  of  these  great  world- 
movements  are  found  in  the  prophecies  of  Haggai  and 
Zechariah.  Haggai,  for  example,  declares  that  Jeho- 
vah will  soon  shake  the  heavens  and  the  earth  and  the 
sea  and  the  dry  land  and  the  nations  (li.  6-9).  In  a 
second  message  he  repeats  the  thought  and  adds  that, 
"Jehovah  will  overthrow  the  throne  of  kingdoms  and 
will  destroy  the  strength  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  na- 
tions ;  and  will  overthrow  the  chariots  and  those  that 
ride  them;  and  the  horses  and  their  riders  shall  come 
down,  every  one  by  the  sword  of  his  brother."  A 
more  vivid  reflection  of  the  impressions  wliich  the 
waves  of  revolution  sweeping  over  the  Persian  empire 
made  upon  the  receptive  mind  of  the  prophet,  can  not 
be   imagined.      Haggai 's   colleague,    Zechariah,    also 


140     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

looks  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Judah  to  read  her 
fate.  The  angel  who  delivers  to  thera  his  message, 
comes  "  from  walking  to  and  fro  through  the  earth  " 
(i.  11).  Already  he  beholds  the  four  smiths  who  are 
to  destroy  the  horns  of  the  nations  which  have  scat- 
tered Judah  (i.  18-21),  His  exhortation  to  the  Jews 
in  Babylon  to  escape,  suggests  that  he  regarded  the 
moment  as  peculiarly  opportune  (ii.  7).  Invi.  1-8  the 
prophet  directs  the  eyes  of  his  readers  toward  the  great 
political  movements  which  were  agitating  the  world. 

128.  Undoubtedly  the  startling  events  which  were 
transpiring  near  the  centre  of  the  Persian  empire  had 
also  aroused  the  prophets'  hearers.  The  apathy  which 
had  paralyzed  the  poor  Jewish  community  was  at  last 
shaken.  Action  begets  action.  A  new  era  seemed 
about  to  open.  Poor  crops  and  drought,  which  were 
ever  regarded  by  the  Jews  as  clear  evidence  of  Jeho- 
vah's displeasure  (see  Amos  iv.  4-11;  I.  Kings  xviii.), 
had  already  appealed  to  the  consciences  of  the  more 
thoughtful  (Hag.  i.  6,  9-11;  ii.  16,  17).  Conditions 
were  at  last  ripe  for  the  building  of  the  temple.  All 
that  was  needed  was  for  some  one  to  take  the  ini- 
tiative. The  degenerate  house  of  David,  with  the 
exception  of  Josiah,  had  shown  little  energy  during  the 
latter  days  of  the  Judean  kingdom,  and  less  religious 
zeal.  Sheshbazzar  and  Zerubbabel  give  no  evidence  of 
being  exceptions  to  the  rule.  It  was  simply  because  he 
was  the  legal  heir  to  the  throne  of  Judah  that  at  this 
critical  epoch  the  eyes  of  the  more  ambitious  Jews  were 
fixed  upon  Zerubbabel.  The  great  actions  of  the  past 
were  performed  at  the  instigation  of  the  prophets,  and 
it  was  most  fitting  that  an  earnest  prophet  of  Jehovah 
should  be  the  one  to  arouse  both  leaders  and  people. 


THE   FIRST  APPEAL  OF  HAGGAI  141 

129.  Haggai  wisely  selected  for  liis  appeal  the  first 
day  of  the  sixth  month  (Septemher,  520  b.  c),  when 
the  people  were  assembled  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  the 
new  moon.  One  fails  to  find  in  the  prophecies  of 
Haggai  the  literary  beauty  and  originality  of  his 
predecessors;  bnt  they  are  characterized  by  a  cer- 
tain directness  and  practicability  befitting  a  situation 
which  called  not  for  rhetoric,  but  for  action.  When 
he  first  stood  before  the  assembled  people  his  message 
was:  "Zerubbabel  the  governor  and  Joshua  the  high 
priest,  leaders  of  the  Jewish  community,  do  not  listen 
to  the  words  of  this  discouraged  and  apathetic  people, 
when  they  say,  'The  time  has  not  yet  come  to  build  the 
temple. '  Consider,  men  of  Judah,  whether  it  is  right 
for  you  to  enjoy  your  own  comfortable  homes  while 
you  allow  the  house  of  Jehovah  to  lie  in  ruins.  Medi- 
tate and  you  will  clearly  perceive  that  Jehovah  has 
sent  you  these  poor  crops  and  hard  times  to  show  his 
displeasure  at  your  conduct  and  to  arouse  you  to  ac- 
tion. His  command  to  you  is :  Go  up  to  the  hill 
country  and  secure  wood  and  build  the  temple  accord- 
ing to  your  means,  and  you  can  be  assured  that  I  will 
be  pleased  therewith  and  will  l^e  glorified  in  the  evi- 
dence of  my  people's  fidelity  '■  (i.  2-8). 

130.  The  response  on  the  part  of  the  people  was 
immediate  and  hearty.  By  the  twenty-fourth  of  the 
sixth  month  the  work  was  instituted.  Since  after  the 
exile  the  Jews  adopted  the  Babylonian  system  of  reck- 
oning time,  and  in  520  b.  c.  the  Babylonian  year 
seems  to  have  begun  on  the  first  of  May,  the  building 
of  the  second  temple  was  commenced  in  October. 
Haggai,  who  was  the  moving  spirit  in  all  the  work, 
promptly  assured  the  people :  "  Since  you  have  listened 


142     THE  PERSIAN  PElllOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

to  Jehovah's  command,  he  is  with  you  in  your  under- 
takings "  (i.  13).  A  month  later,  when  the  people 
showed  signs  of  discouragement,  he  delivered  to  them 
at  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  another  cheering  message : 
"  Do  some  of  you,  who  saw  the  first  temple  in  its  glory, 
disparage  this  humble  structure  which  we  are  rearing  ? 
Be  courageous,  0  leaders  and  people !  Jehovah,  who 
led  your  forefathers,  a  nation  of  serfs,  from  Egypt  and 
covenanted  to  care  for  and  guide  you,  is  still  working 
in  your  midst.  Indeed,  he  will  soon  revolutionize 
existing  political  conditions.  The  heathen  nations, 
which  now  oppress  you,  shall  come  bringing  their 
treasures  to  beautify  this  humble  sanctuary,  so  that 
its  glory  shall  far  exceed  that  of  the  former  temple. 
Then,  instead  of  the  present  discord,  Jehovah  will 
give  to  this  city  perfect  peace  "  (ii.  3-9). 

131.  It  was  in  the  following  month  (December) 
that  Zechariah  is  first  reported  to  have  appeared  before 
the  people,  possibly  at  another  moment  of  discourage- 
ment, calling  them  to  duty,  assuring  them  of  Jehovah's 
co-operation,  and  fortifying  his  words  with  familiar 
teachings  and  illustrations  drawn  from  the  writings  of 
earlier  prophets  and  from  the  past  experience  of  their 
race  (i.  1-6).  Under  the  inspiration  of  these  two 
prophets  the  preparation  for  the  building  of  the  temple 
slowly  progressed,  until  late  in  December,  520  b.  c, 
the  foundation  was  laid  (Ezra  v.  2 ;  Hag.  ii.  18).  With 
the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  such  a  ceremony  was 
solemnly  celebrated.  Whether  the  Jews  imitated  their 
former  masters  so  far  as  to  place  within  the  corner- 
stone inscriptions  describing  the  work  and  immor- 
talizing the  names  of  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  is  an 
interesting  question.     Haggai  certainly  improved  the 


LAYING  OF  THE   FOUNDATION  OF  THE  TEMPLE     143 

occasion  to  deliver  two  more  sermons.  The  first  was 
addressed  to  the  people.  Turning  to  some  priests,  he 
inquires :  "  If  the  skirt  of  one  of  you,  who  is  bearing- 
consecrated  flesh,  touch  ordinary  food,  will  it  become 
holy  ?  "  Of  course  they  answer,  "  No. "  "  Or  if  one 
profaned  by  contact  with  a  dead  body  touch  any  of 
these  things,  will  they  not  become  unclean  ?  "  As  the 
priests  answer,  "  Yes, "  he  applies  the  illustration :  "  So 
are  this  people,  both  in  their  deeds  and  in  their  offer- 
ing, unclean,  vitiated  as  they  have  been  by  their  sel- 
fishness, and  consecrated  by  no  true  sacrifice.  By 
failure  of  crops,  blasting,  mildew,  and  destructive  hail- 
storms, Jehovah  has  endeavored  to  impress  this  truth 
upon  you.  But  now  that  the  foundation  of  the  temple 
is  laid,  all  is  changed.  Henceforth  he  will  bless  you 
with  prosperity.  And  concerning  you,  0  Zerubbabel, 
Jehovah  declares  that  in  the  coming  overthrow  of  the 
heathen  powers,  he  has  chosen  you  to  perform  a  pecu- 
liar service  for  him,  and  therefore,  as  a  king  treasures 
his  signet  ring,  so  will  he  protect  and  cherish  you  " 
(ii.  6-23). 


THE   HOPES  AND  DISCOURAGEMENTS   OF  THE  TEMPLE- 
BUILDERS 

132.  No  more  addresses  of  Haggai  are  recorded,  but 
in  February,  519  B.  c,  two  months  after  the  laying  of 
the  foundation  of  the  temple,  Zechariah  presented  a 
series  of  A'isions,  or,  more  properly,  allegories,  intended 
to  inspire  hope  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Although 
the  two  prophets  were  one  in  purpose,  their  methods 
of  teaching  present  striking  contrasts.  The  difference 
is  partially  explained  by  the  fact  that,  while  Haggai 
was  a  simple  layman  (Hag.  ii.  11),  Zechariah  was  by 
birth  a  priest.  The  chronicler  suggests  that  he  was, 
during  the  high  priesthood  of  Joshua,  at  the  head  of 
the  priestly  tribe  of  Iddo  (Neh.  xii.  4,  16).  In  his 
opening  address  he  manifests  the  characteristic  priestly 
reverence  for  the  past  history  and  literature  of  his 
race.  Like  Ezekiel,  whom  he  resembles  in  so  many 
ways,  he  was  a  prophet  in  spirit  and  aim ;  but  in  the 
form  in  which  he  announced  his  message,  he  reveals 
his  priestly  training.  Following  the  example  of  the 
priest-prophet  of  the  exile,  he  preferred  the  obscure 
apocalyptic  style  to  the  plain  statement.  Possibly  the 
fear  that  his  teaching  might  be  regarded  with  suspi- 
cion, if  reported  to  the  Persian  satrap,  also  influenced 
him  so  to  express  his  ideas  that  they  would   be  intel- 


ZECHARIAH'S   MESSAGES   OF  ENCOURAGEMENT     145 

ligible  only  to  his  countrymen.  It  is  significant  that 
the  date  of  his  first  vision  corresponds  with  that  at 
which  Darius  first  succeeded  in  repressing  the  more 
formidable  rebellions  which  had  been  convulsing  the 
empire.  The  angel  who  spoke  to  the  prophet  reports 
that  "  all  the  earth  sitteth  still,  and  is  at  rest "  (i.  10). 
The  hopes  of  the  downfall  of  the  world-powers  and  the 
speedy  inauguration  of  the  Messianic  kingdom,  v/hich 
had  found  expression  in  Haggai's  predictions,  uttered 
four  months  before,  and  which  had  stirred  the  Jewish 
community  into  activity,  seemed  blighted.  The  people 
felt  that,  although  in  beginning  to  build  the  temple 
they  had  done  their  part,  Jehovah  had  failed  them, 
for  Jerusalem's  exaltation  seemed  more  distant  than 
ever  before.  Their  faith  and  energies  relaxed  accord- 
ingly. There  was  sore  need  of  a  new  prophetic 
message. 

133.  In  his  first  vision  Zechariah  is  informed  by 
the  angelic  messengers  that,  although  the  nations  are 
at  rest,  and  there  are  no  signs  on  the  horizon  of  a 
speedy  deliverance  for  Jerusalem,  Jehovah's  interest 
in  his  beloved  city  is  not  abated.  Already  he  has 
returned  to  take  up  his  abode  in  his  restored  temple, 
and  he  will  yet  comfort  and  bring  prosperity  to  his 
land  (i.  8-17).  In  the  second  vision  the  prophet  pict- 
ures, in  his  allegory  of  the  four  smiths,  those  who  will 
destroy  all  the  nations  which  have  scattered  Judah 
(i.  18-21).  In  the  succeeding  vision  he  sees  one  going 
forth  to  measure  Jerusalem  with  a  view  to  rebuilding: 

CD 

it  on  its  old  foundations.  Soon  an  angel  interrupts 
him  with  the  glad  assurance  that  so  great  will  be  the 
population  of  Jerusalem  that  no  walls  will  encircle  it, 
but,  instead,  Jehovah  himself  will  be   a  wall  of  fire 

10 


146     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JE^yISH   HISTORY 

about  it  and  its  glory  within.  It  requires  little  imag- 
ination to  hear  the  bitter  complaint  of  the  people  be- 
cause their  city  is  still  without  wails  and  apparently 
neglected.  True  prophet  that  he  was,  he  chided  them 
because  their  expectations  of  what  Jehovah  would  do 
for  them  were  material  and  circumscribed ;  and  pro- 
ceeded to  urge  the  Jews  in  Babylon  to  escape  from 
the  rebellious  city,  now  doomed  by  Jehovah  to  de- 
struction, and  to  find  refuge  within  Zion,  blessed  and 
guarded  by  his  protecting  presence,  and  destined  to 
become  the  centre  of  his  universal  kingdom. 

134.    As  Zechariah  fixed  his  eyes  upon  conditions 
within  Jerusalem,  there  arose  before  him  a  vision  of 
Joshua  the  high  priest,  charged  by  the  adversary  with 
the  sins  of  the  priesthood  and  of  the  community  which 
he    represented.      Then   the    prophet   heard   Jehoval 
absolve  Joshua  of  the  sins  with  which  he  was  polluted, 
and  appoint  him  to  the  care  of  his  temple,  on  condi- 
tion that  he  prove  faithful  to  his  trust.     The  solemn 
consecration  and  instalment  of  the  priestly  family  are 
accompanied  by  a  reiteration  of  the  promise  of  free 
forgiveness  to  the  people,  of  Jehovah's  continued  care 
for  the  service  of  his  sanctuary,  and  of  the  advent  of 
his  Messianic  servant,  whom  Jeremiah  had  designated 
as  the  "  sprout  "  ( Jer.  xxiii.  5).     The  next  vision  alsc 
stands  in  close  connection  with  the  institution  of  the 
temple    service;  for  its   chief  symbol  is  that  of  the 
candlestick,  representing  the  restored  temple  and  iU 
service,  which  are  to  be  supported  by  the  two  anointec 
ones  ("sons  of  oil  "),  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  the  head- 
of   the    civil   and    religious    organization.       Alread; 
Ezekiel  had  advanced  the  same  thought  in  his  progran 
of  the  restored  temple  (sect.  48). 


THE   CROWNING  OF   ZERUBBABEL  AS   KING        147 

135.  In  his  last  vision  the  prophet  returns  to  the 
consideration  of  the  political  outlook.  In  imagination 
he  beholds  Jehovah's  messengers  of  vengeance  going 
forth  to  the  north  against  Babylon  and  Persia,  and 
to  the  south  against  Edom  and  Egypt,  to  destroy  the 
world-powers  which  oppose  the  realization  of  his  pur- 
pose. The  details  of  this  world- judgment  are  indefi- 
nite. The  old  martial  spirit  of  the  race  has  disap- 
peared. The  prophet  is  a  man  of  peace.  The  central 
truth  which  he  proclaims  is  that  Jehovah  rules  in 
human  affairs,  and  in  his  own  good  way  he  will  put 
down  the  wrong  and  vindicate  the  right.  Haggai  and 
Zechariah  evidently  hoped  to  behold  with  their  own 
eyes  the  exaltation  of  their  race.  The  atmosphere  was 
tense  with  expectation.  Nations  were  rising  and  fall- 
ing almost  in  a  day.  The  fact  that  they  had  been  per- 
mitted to  begin  the  rebuilding  of  their  temple  seemed 
in  itself  a  miracle.  It  was  but  natural  that  they  should 
regard  it  as  an  earnest  of  still  greater  glory.  This 
hope  found  expression  in  a  command  which  came  to 
Zechariah,  probably  immediately  after  the  last  vision. 
Unfortunately  the  text  has  been  changed  by  later 
editors.  The  main  ideas,  however,  are  clear.  He 
was  ordered  to  make,  from  the  gold  and  silver  which 
had  been  sent  by  the  Jews  in  Babylon,  a  crown, 
and  place  it  on  the  head  of  Zerubbabel.  The  mean- 
ing of  the  act,  in  the  light  of  ancient  Hebrew  usage, 
was  unmistakable,  and  the  prophet's  words  removed 
all  doubt:  "The  builder  of  Jehovah's  temple  shall 
bear  the  glory  and  sit  and  rule  upon  his  throne;  and 
there  shall  be  a  priest  (Joshua)  on  his  right  hand, 
and  there  will  be  a  counsel  of  peace  between  the  two 
of  them. "     His  message  also  throws  much  light  upon 


148     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

the  hopes  cherished  by  those  to  whom  he  spoke.  It 
was  but  natural  that  they  should  crave  political  liberty. 
Other  peoples  had  for  a  time  succeeded  in  throwing  off 
the  yoke  of  Persia,  and  in  placing  the  crown  upon 
princes  of  their  own  blood.  Jehovah  vras  omnipotent. 
His  people  had  atoned  for  the  sin  which  had  dethroned 
the  house  of  David.  Now,  indeed,  they  were  doing 
his  will.  Surely  from  their  point  of  view  independ- 
ence under  Zerubbabel,  the  hereditary  heir  of  the 
throne  of  Judah,  was  not  beyond  expectation. 

136.  Fortunate  were  the  people,  if  they  were  influ- 
enced by  the  peaceful  spirit  of  Zechariah  to  leave  the 
fulfilment  of  their  aspirations  to  Jehovah,  for  the  future 
brought  them  no  independence  under  their  hereditary 
prince.  For  the  details  of  their  disillusionment  we  are 
left  to  conjecture ;  the  fact  alone  is  preserved  that  at 
the  moment  when  the  crown  was  held  out  over  the 
head  of  Zerubbabel,  he,  and  with  him  the  Davidic 
family,  disappear  forever  from  public  life.  When  the 
fragmentary  records  next  throw  their  flickering  light 
upon  the  Jewish  community,  the  descendants  of  Joshua 
the  high  priest  have  absorbed  nearly  all  of  the  civil, 
as  well  as  the  ecclesiastical,  authority  resident  in  the 
community  in  Judah. 

137.  The  Aramaic  document  quoted  by  the  chronicler 
supplements  the  facts  presented  by  Zechariah.  When 
the  work  on  the  temple  had  progressed  so  far  that  the 
timbers  were  being  placed  on  the  foundation  (Ezra  v. 
8),  and  therefore  several  weeks,  if  not  months,  after 
the  formal  laying  of  the  foundation-stone,  Tattenai 
(in  the  Greek  version,  Sisinnes),  the  Persian  satrap  of 
the  trans-Euphrates  province,  with  his  officials  visited 
Jerusalem  on  their  tour  of  inspection.     Undoubtedly  a 


FINAL  DEPOSAL  OF  THE   DAVIDIC   FAMILY       149 

report  of  the  unwonted  activity  of  the  Jewish  commu- 
nity was  the  cause  of  their  formal  visit.  The  empire 
had  been  torn  by  so  many  revolts  that  any  unusual  act 
was  viewed  with  great  suspicion.  In  the  course  of  the 
investigation,  the  elders  of  the  Jews  claimed  that  they 
were  merely  rebuilding  the  ancient  sanctuary,  and  in  so 
doing  were  acting  in  accord  with  an  earlier  decree  of 
Cyrus,  authorizing  its  construction.  They  further 
suggested  that  the  royal  archives  be  searched,  that  the 
truth  of  their  words  might  be  substantiated.  Fortu- 
nately, Darius  I.,  as  his  inscriptions,  discovered  in  Egypt 
and  Asia  Minor,  demonstrate,  was,  like  Cyrus,  disposed 
to  patronize  the  temples  of  the  peoples  under  his  rule. 
A  knowledge  of  this  fact  may  have  have  influenced  the 
Persian  satrap  not  to  interfere  with  the  work  at  Jerusa- 
lem until  he  had  received  instructions  from  the  great 
king.  The  presence  of  the  satrap,  and  the  cloud  of 
suspicion  which  rested  upon  the  Jewish  community 
until  their  claim  was  substantiated  by  the  discovery  at 
Ecbatana  of  the  Cyrus  decree,  was  sufficient  to  dispel 
all  secret  hopes  of  elevating  Zerubbabel  to  the  position 
of  independent  kingship.  If  the  purport  of  the  preach- 
ing of  Haggai  and  Zechariah  became  known  to  the 
Persian  officials,  doubtless  steps  were  at  once  taken  to 
remove  Zerubbabel  from  his  position  as  governor. 
Zechariah's  early  prediction,  that  Zerubbabel  would  be 
allowed  to  participate  in  the  completion  of  the  temple 
(iv.  9),  suggests  that  his  tenure  of  office  was  none  too 
secure.  That  his  authority  was  but  slight  is  apparent 
from  the  prophet's  words  (iv.  6^,  7).  If  not  at  once, 
probably  in  the  general  reorganization  of  the  empire, 
which  was  soon  instituted  by  Darius,  the  family  of 
David  was  quietly  set  aside. 


150     THE   PERSIAN  PEHIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

138.  Although  m  divine  providence,  the  temporal 
hopes  of  the  Jews  were  unfulfilled,  they  were  permitted, 
unhindered,  to  complete  their  tem{)le.  It  is  noticeable 
that  in  the  latest  sermons  of  Zechariah,  dating  from 
the  latter  part  of  the  year  518  b.  c,  both  the  apocalyp- 
tic language  and  all  references  to  Zerubbabel  and  to  a 
temporal  kingship  disappear.  Plain,  earnest  exhorta- 
tion and  promises  of  a  universal  kingdom  of  God  take 
their  place  (vii. ;  viii).  Evidently  the  temple  was  so 
far  completed  that  certain  of  its  services  had  been 
instituted.  This  fact  gave  rise  to  the  natural  question 
as  to  whether  the  fast  appointed  in  the  fifth  month,  in 
commemoration  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  of 
the  temple,  should  continue  to  be  observed.  The  sub- 
ject was  formally  laid  before  the  priests  and  prophets  of 
the  city  by  a  visiting  deputation.  Zechariah  answered 
the  question  in  the  true  spirit  of  a  prophet  rather  than 
that  of  a  priest,  by  asking  what  the  motives  were  which 
prompted  the  fasts  observed  in  the  exile.  Was  it  to 
serve  Jehovah  or  to  gratify  their  own  desires  ?  If  for 
the  latter  cause,  the  sooner  the  selfish  forms  were  dis- 
continued the  better.  Now  that  the  revived  community 
was  entering  upon  a  new  life,  the  real  question  was, 
Were  they  going  to  avoid  the  mistakes  of  the  old 
Hebrew  state  and  offer  God  not  empty  forms  but  deeds 
of  justice,  mercy,  and  kindness,  which  represent  the 
demands  of  the  original  prophetic  torah.  Their  future 
was  intrusted  to  their  own  keeping,  and  depended  upon 
their  own  conduct.  The  foundations  had  already  been 
laid  for  a  glorious  state.  Jehovah  was  ready  to  co-oper- 
ate in  every  way.  If  they  but  proved  true  to  their 
opportunity,  their  noblest  aspirations  would  be  more 
than  realized.     Peace  at  last  would  come  to  the  afflicted 


THE   COMPLETION   OF   THE   TEMPLE  151 

Jerusalem,  so  that  men  and  women  would  live  to  a 
ripe  old  age.  The  mournful  fasts  of  the  past  would 
become  joyful  feasts.  Above  all,  the  day  was  coming 
when  many  people  and  powerful  nations  would  make 
pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem  to  worship  Jehovah.  Then 
would  the  despised  Jew  be  courted  by  foreigners  eager 
to  learn  of  the  true  God. 

139.  According  to  the  chronicler,  the  temple  was 
completed  in  March  of  the  year  516  b.  c.  Undoubtedly 
the  act  was  celebrated  by  the  offering  of  sacrifice  and 
by  appropriate  ceremonies.  It  must  have  called  forth 
songs  of  thanksgiving,  some  of  which  have  probably 
been  preserved  in  our  Psalter.  Psalm  xlvii.  expresses 
the  exultation  which  the  little  community  naturally 
felt  when  their  work  was  done.  Their  feeling,  like 
that  of  Zechariah  at  this  time,  is  voiced  in  the  couplet 
(verse  8) : 

God  reigneth  over  the  nations  : 
God  sitteth  upon  his  holy  throne. 

140.  The  historical  importance  of  the  rebuilding  of 
the  temple  can  not  be  overestimated.  Judaism  again 
had  a  home.  The  thought,  so  often  expressed  in  the 
prophecy  of  Zechariah,  that  Jehovah  had  returned  to 
dwell  in  their  midst,  was  a  source  of  joy  and  hope, 
not  only  to  the  Jews  in  Judah,  but  also  to  all  mem- 
bers of  the  race,  wherever  they  were.  Now  that  daily 
sacrifices  were  offered  for  their  nation,  they  felt  with 
relief  that  at  last  the  burden  of  national  guilt  which 
oppressed  them,  was  removed.  Again,  they  could 
raise  their  heads  in  the  presence  of  the  nations.  The 
temple  also  proved  a  strong  bond  keeping  alive  in  the 
heart  of  every  Jew  the  sense  of  racial  unit}^,  thus  bind- 


152     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ing  together  all  the  scattered  members  of  the  nation. 
It  also  gave  a  definite  form  to  their  religious  develop- 
ment. Exalted  far  above  all  other  institutions,  the 
sanctuary  and  its  service  commanded  the  attention  of 
the  most  able  spirits  in  the  dispersion,  where  the  ten- 
dency toward  ritualism,  so  strong  during  the  Babylo- 
nian period,  now  carried  all  before  it.  The  result 
was,  that  from  the  first,  in  their  eyes,  the  humble 
structure,  reared  by  the  struggling  community,  far 
eclipsed  in  importance  the  more  imposing  temple  of 
Solomon.  In  time  they  also  imparted  their  deep  rev- 
erence to  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  so  that  its  prestige 
completely  overshadowed  all  other  religious  institu- 
tions in  Judah. 


Yl 


THE   SEVENTY   YEARS   OP   SILENCE   FOLLOWING   THE 
BUILDING   OF  THE  TEMPLE 

141.  Concerning  the  life  of  the  Jewish  community 
fifter  the  completion  of  the  temple  in  516,  until  the 
appearance  of  Nehemiah  in  445  B.  c,  the  chronicler 
says  not  a  word.  The  silence  is  as  significant  as  that 
with  which  the  Hebrew  historians  pass  over  the  long- 
reactionary  reign  of  Manasseh.  The  two  epochs  have 
not  a  little  in  common.  Each  was  preceded  by  a  brief 
period  of  intense  popular  and  prophetic  activity,  dur- 
ing which  expectations  of  an  immediate  and  glorious 
exaltation  of  their  nation  stirred  all  hearts.  Mankind 
had  not  yet  learned  the  lesson  of  patience,  so  that 
when  the  coming  years  brought  no  fulfilment,  hopes 
were  succeeded  by  the  bitterness  of  disillusionment. 
The  Messianic  predictions  of  the  prophets  seemed  but 
empty  dreams  to  men  bowed  down  under  a  foreign 
yoke.  They  lost  faith,  not  only  in  the  predictions,  but 
also  in  the  God  of  their  prophets.  That  their  feelings 
found  bitter  expression  is  evident  from  the  extracts  of 
contemporary  sermons  preserved  in  Isaiah  Ivi.  to  Ixii., 
as  well  as  in  the  Book  of  Malachi. 

142.  The  political  status  of  the  Judean  community 
was  not  perilous,  but  only  hopelessly  discouraging  to 
men    who   were    longing    for    independence.       After 


154    THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

Darius  succeeded  in  quelling  the  many  rebellions 
which  disturbed  the  opening  years  of  his  reign,  he 
devoted  himself  to  organizing  his  vast  empire.  It  was 
divided  into  provinces,  over  each  of  which  were  ap- 
pointed a  satrap  or  governor,  a  commander-in-chief 
of  its  forces,  and  a  secretary,  who  Vv^ere  directly  re- 
sponsible to  the  king  for  the  discharge  of  their  respec- 
tive duties.  Royal  judges  and  inspectors  were  also 
sent  out  to  right  grievances  and  to  anticipate  possible 
uprisings.  Members  of  the  royal  family  were  usually 
appointed  to  the  more  important  satrapies.  By  these 
regulations  the  king  was  able  to  exercise  an  absolute 
control  over  the  entire  empire.  The  system  was  so 
perfectly  organized  that  the  Persian  state  continued  to 
exist  long  after  the  reigning  family  had  become  weak 
and  degenerate.  To  the  smaller  nations  the  rule 
established  by  Darius  was  a  great  blessing,  compared 
with  that  of  the  Babylonians  which  it  supplanted. 

143.  In  theory,  at  least,  equal  rights  were  accorded 
by  the  Persians  to  all  subject  peoples.  As  long  as 
they  paid  their  allotted  taxes,  they  were  assured  peace 
and  the  privilege  of  worshipping  their  gods  without 
molestation.  Only  under  the  powerful  arm  of  Persia 
would  it  have  been  possible  for  the  weak  Jewish  col- 
ony to  have  survived  in  the  midst  of  strong  and  malig- 
nant foes  eager  to  destroy  it.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  its 
very  insignificance  protected  it.  Wars  agitated  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  great  empire,  but  made  little  im- 
pression on  the  Jewish  community.  During  the  reign 
of  Darius  I.  the  Hellespont  was  bridged  and  Persian 
armies  invaded  Europe.  If  the  news  of  the  battle  of 
Marathon  reached  the  Jews  in  Palestine,  it  only  in- 
tensified their  helpless  discontent.     The  rebellion  of 


POLITICAL  EVENTS  IN  THE   PERSIAN  EMPIRE     155 

Egypt  in  48G  b.  c.  undoubtedly  aroused  their  interest, 
for,  not  only  was  it  at  their  doors,  but  Egypt  was 
also  one  of  the  lands  of  the  Jewish  dispersion.  Soon 
they  saw  from  their  western  headlands  the  armies  of 
Xerxes,  who  at  this  time  succeeded  his  father  Darius 
on  the  Persian  throne,  marching  to  suppress  the  great 
uprising.  A  few  years  later  came  the  fatal  insurrec- 
tion in  Babylon  which  led  to  the  practical  destruction 
of  the  mighty  metropolis.  Whether  or  not  any  of  the 
Jews  who  had  found  a  home  there  were  influenced  by 
this  calamity  to  return  to  Judah  is  an  interesting  but 
unanswered  question.  In  the  vast  array  which  Xerxes 
summoned  from  all  parts  of  his  empire,  for  the  purpose 
of  crushing  the  Greeks,  the  levy  from  the  province  of 
Syria  was  included;  but,  if  Jews  were  in  its  ranks, 
they  were  too  few  and  unimportant  to  be  referred  to 
in  the  lists.  Persian  prestige  in  Europe  fell  at  Ther- 
mopylae and  Salamis  before  Greek  skill  and  courage, 
but  in  southwestern  Asia  the  Great  King  continued  to 
be  the  one  recognized  authority. 

144.  In  464  b.  c.  the  weak,  degenerate  Xerxes  was 
assassinated  and  his  third  son,  Artaxerxes  I.,  who  is 
distinguished  by  the  title  Longimanus,  succeeded  him. 
The  new  ruler  came  to  the  throne  as  the  result  of  pal- 
ace intrigues.  In  later  tradition  he  has  the  reputa- 
tion of  having  been  good-natured  but  weak,  and  ruled 
by  the  favorites  of  his  court  and  harem.  Caprice,  not 
justice,  henceforth  determined  the  policy  of  the  great 
empire.  The  weakness  of  the  central  authority  occa- 
sioned numerous  revolts.  Chief  of  these  was  the  one 
in  Egypt  about  460  b,  c,  led  by  a  certain  Inarus.  It 
was  put  down  by  Megabyzus,  the  satrap  of  Syria,  who 
then  found  himself  strong  enough  for  several  years 


156     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF   JEWISH  HISTORY 

successfully  to  defy  the  Great  King  himself.  Finally 
Artaxerxes  was  forced  to  make  terms  with  the  rebel. 
Whether  or  not  the  Jews  were  involved  in  this  rebel- 
lion is  not  stated.  Probably  their  weakness  saved 
them  from  seriously  compromising  themselves. 

145.  While  the  mighty  conflicts  between  the  East 
and  the  West,  between  the  Persian  and  the  Greek, 
were  going  on,  the  attention  of  the  Jews  in  Palestine 
was  fixed  upon  their  own  petty  contests  and  problems. 
The  most  discouraging  element  was  that  their  life  was 
barren  and  insignificant.  The  rule  of  Persia  con- 
demned them  to  a  treadmill  existence.  Their  political 
responsibilities  ended  when  they  had  paid  to  greedy 
tax-collectors  "  the  tribute,  custom,  and  tolls  "  due  the 
Persian  king  (Ezra  iv.  13,  20;  vii.  24),  and  had  sat- 
isfied the  exactions  of  their  local  governor,  and  of  the 
train  of  servants  who  accompanied  him.  Nehemiah's 
statement  (Neh.  v.  15)  indicates  that  these  were  sup- 
ported at  the  expense  of  the  community  by  direct 
levies  of  provisions  as  well  as  of  money.  The  arro- 
jrance  with  which  even  tlie  slaves  connected  with  the 
court  of  tlie  governor  lorded  over  the  Jews  was  espe- 
cially galling.  They,  in  whose  ears  were  still  ringing 
the  glorious  predictions  of  their  prophets,  were  re- 
pressed and  constantly  subjected  to  petty  annoyances. 

146.  Of  all  the  remnants  of  the  nations  of  Palestine 
the  Jews  were  the  weakest  and  most  generally  hated. 
Brotherly  love  had  been,  from  time  immemorial,  a 
virtue  almost  unknown  among  the  peoples  of  that 
Canaanitish  world.  If  their  assailants  had  been  re- 
moved from  them  by  long  distances,  instead  of  by  a 
few  miles,  the  position  of  the  Jews  would  not  have 
been   so    intolerable.      As    it  was,  they  were   closely 


RELATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  JEWS  AND  SAMARITANS     157 

encircled  bj  a  ring  of  treacherous,  merciless  foes.  On 
the  west  were  the  descendants  of  their  hereditary 
enemies,  the  Philistines.  On  the  north  were  the  half 
heathenish  Samaritans.  The  final  rupture  with  them 
did  not  come,  however,  until  after  the  building  of  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem  and  the  institution  of  the  strict 
priestly  law.  There  is  evidence  that  those  of  the 
Samaritans  who  desired,  continued  to  worship  at  the 
Jerusalem  sanctuary,  as  they  had  since  the  days  of 
Josiah ;  but  the  old  hostility  between  the  northerners 
and  the  southerners  had  not  been  entirely  extinguished 
by  the  disasters  which  had  overtaken  the  two  peoples. 
The  foreign  blood  and  heathen  customs  of  the  Samari- 
tans also  made  a  congenial  union  between  them  and 
the  stricter  Jews  impossible.  Isaiah  Ivii.  3-12  in  all 
probability  expresses  the  conservative  Jewish  esti- 
mate of  the  Samaritans  during  the  period  under  con- 
sideration. In  taunting  terms  their  half  heathen 
origin  is  flung  at  them  by  the  prophet.  They  are  con- 
demned for  their  lewd  heathen  rites,  practised,  as  of 
old,  under  the  green  trees,  for  the  sacrifice  of  their 
children  in  the  deep,  rocky  valleys,  and  for  the  wor- 
ship of  alien  gods  on  "a  high  and  lofty  mountain," 
which  is  probably  to  be  identified  with  Mount  Gerizim. 
What  especially  arouses  the  prophet  are  the  jeering 
words  and  scornful  tone  with  which  they  speak  of  the 
struggling  Jewish  community.  They  are  the  same  as 
those  which  characterize  the  mocking  address  with 
which  Sanballat  the  Horonite,  a  representative  Samari- 
tan, greeted  the  efforts  of  the  Jews  to  rebuild  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  under  the  direction  of  Nehemiah :  "  What 
do  these  feeble  Jews  ?  "  (Neh.  iv.  2).  Isaiah  Ivii.  9 
apparently  contains  an  allusion  to  a  deputation  sent 


158     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

by  these  lukewarm  friends  of  the  Jewish  colony  to 
the  Great  King,  whereby  with  the  free  use  of  gifts  and 
lies  they  sought  to  gain  some  advantage  for  themselves, 
at  the  expense  of  their  kinsmen  in  the  south.  The 
reason  why  the  open  rupture  between  the  Jews  and 
Samaritans  did  not  come  before  the  time  of  Nehemiah 
was  simply  because  the  Jewish  community  was  too 
weak,  and  because  the  conservatives  within  it  had  no 
energetic  leader. 

147.  On  the  east  were  the  Ammonites,  represented 
in  the  days  of  Nehemiah  by  a  prince  whose  name  was 
Tobiah.  There  is  evidence  that  they,  like  the  Edomites, 
had  been  partially  driven  from  their  old  homes  by 
the  Arabians,  and  had  profited  by  the  destruction  of  the 
northern  kingdom  to  move  westward  and  occupy  the 
fertile  Hebrew  territory  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan  (Jer. 
xl.  14;  xli.  10),  so  that  now  they  were  near  neighbors 
of  the  Jews.  On  the  south,  in  possession  of  Hebron, 
and  occupying  many  ancient  Judean  cities,  which  they 
had  seized  soon  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
(sect.  22),  were  the  most  hated  foes  of  all,  tlie  Edom- 
ites. The  author  of  the  Book  of  Malaclii  refers  to 
their  expulsion  from  their  own  territory  by  the  Ara- 
bians (Nabatosans),  who  invaded  Edom  from  the  south, 
and  to  their  vain  hopes  of  recovering  their  desolate  land 
(Mai.  i.  2-4).  Associated  with  the  Edomites,  and  ever 
pressing  and  harassing  the  "feeble  Jews,"  were  the 
same  Arabian  tribes  which  from  dim  antiquity  until 
the  present  have  never  failed,  when  not  resisted  by  a 
strong  local  government,  to  gain  a  foothold  in  Pales- 
tine. Some  of  them  may  also  have  been  descendants 
of  the  Arabian  colony  which  Sargon  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury settled   in   Samaria  (11.  sect   105).     The  Jews, 


EXTENT   OF  THE   PROVINCE   OF  JUDAH  159 

therefore,  were  obliged,  during  these  depressing  years, 
constantly  and  against  great  odds,  to  contend  for  their 
native  soil  against  the  encroachments,  the  covert 
attacks,  and  the  intrigues  of  crafty,  treacherous  foes ; 
for  while  the  Persian  rule  insured  the  integrity  of  the 
different  peoples  under  it,  it  did  not  prevent  frequent 
wars  among  them,  especially  when  the  central  govern- 
ment became  weak. 

148.  The  territory  held  by  the  Jews,  and  known  as 
the  Persian  sub-province  of  Judah,  represented  only  a 
fraction  of  the  old  southern  Hebrew  kingdom.  Its 
extent  is  indicated  by  the  references  contained  in  the 
third  chapter  of  Nehemiah,  which  describes  the  build- 
ing of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  At  the  most,  it  ex- 
tended only  five  miles  to  the  north  of  the  capital  city. 
If  the  most  probable  interpretation  of  verse  7  be 
adopted,  the  town  of  Mizpah  (about  three  and  one  half 
miles  northwest  of  Jerusalem),  although  inhabited 
by  some  loyal  Jews,  belonged  not  to  Judah  but  to  the 
province  of  Syria.  Jericho  was  the  most  eastern  and 
Bethzur,  about  thirteen  miles  southwest  of  Jerusalem, 
was  the  most  southern  town.  On  the  west  the  prov- 
ince included  the  mountain  villages  of  Zanoah  and 
Keilah.  In  all  it  was  less  than  twenty  miles  in  length 
from  north  to  south,  and  about  tlie  same  in  width. 
It  comprised  the  least  desirable  territory  of  Palestine. 
With  the  exception  of  tlie  land  in  the  vicinity  of 
Jericho,  the  eastern  half  was  barren  and  uninhabitable. 
Few  springs,  and  almost  no  streams,  were  to  be  found 
within  the  entire  province,  so  that  at  the  best  it  was 
capable  of  supporting  only  a  sparse  and  poverty- 
stricken  population. 

149.  The  position  of  the  Jews  was  still  more  pain- 


160     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

ful  and  discouraging  because  Jerusalem,  the  site  of 
their  sanctuary  and  their  natural  place  of  refuge  and 
defence,  was  almost  depopulated  (Neh.  vii.  4),  and 
open  to  the  sudden  attacks  of  their  foes.  Their  first 
thought  after  laying  the  foundation  of  the  temple  was 
to  rebuild  the  walls  about  Jerusalem  (Zech.  ii.  4,  5) ; 
but  for  a  variety  of  reasons  they  were  deterred  from 
undertaking  the  great  task.  Although  the  statement 
has  frequently  been  made  by  recent  writers,  who 
would  assign  Ezra  iv.  8-23  to  the  period,  there  is 
no  conclusive  evidence  that  the  Jews  ventured  to  place 
one  stone  upon  another  before  445  b.  c.  The  prayer 
which  Nehemiah  uttered  after  he  learned  from  his 
kinsmen  that  "the  remnant  that  are  left  of  the  cap- 
tivity there  in  the  province  are  in  great  affliction  and 
reproach,"  and  that  "the  wall  of  Jerusalem  was  broken 
down  and  its  gates  burned  with  fire,"  suggests  that 
it  was  no  recent  calamity  to  which  they  referred,  but 
the  disastrous  blow  dealt  their  nation  by  Nebuchad- 
rezzar (Neh.  i.  5-11).  His  surprise  and  sorrow  were 
called  forth  by  the  revelation  of  how  discouraging 
conditions  within  and  without  the  community  really 
were.  It  also  indicates  how  little  connection  there  was 
at  this  time  between  the  Jews  of  the  East  and  West. 
The  spirit  of  Nehemiah's  address  to  the  people  on  his 
arrival  at  Jerusalem  was :  "  Come,  at  last  let  us  build 
the  fallen  walls  that  we  may  no  longer  be  an  object  of 
reproach  as  we  have  been  during  these  long  years  "  (ii. 
17).  The  details  of  the  building  of  the  temple  reveal 
the  fact  that  within  the  community  there  was  neither 
the  requisite  resources  nor  energy  for  the  much  more 
difficult  work  of  building  the  walls.  This  is  sti'ik- 
ingly  confirmed  by  the  sneering  words  of  Sanballat 


THE  FOES   WITHIN  AND   WITHOUT  JUDAH       161 

(Neh.  iv.  2).  Even  Nehemiah,  with  the  authority  at 
his  command,  would  not  have  succeeded  if  he  had  not 
been  a  man  of  transcendent  ability.  As  has  already 
been  remarked,  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  was  a 
work  which  the  Persian  authorities  would  not  only 
permit,  but  favor,  for  it  tended  to  foster  the  spirit  of 
contentment  and  loyalty.  The  fortifying  of  such  a  nat- 
urally strong  city  as  Jerusalem,  however,  would  at 
once  have  been  regarded  as  an  act  of  rebellion  against 
the  Great  King.  This  was  precisely  the  interpreta- 
tion which  was  placed  upon  the  work  of  Nehemiah  by 
the  princes  of  Palestine  (Neh.  ii.  19).  The  experi- 
ences of  Nehemiah  also  demonstrate  how  bitter  and 
almost  irresistible  would  have  been  the  opposition  of 
the  hostile  neighbors  of  the  Jews,  even  though  the 
attempt  had  been  made  with  the  full  consent  of  the 
Persian  king. 

150.  These  facts  enable  us  to  understand  and  to 
sympathize  with  the  community  in  Judah  during  these 
seventy  years  of  disillusionment  and  discouragement. 
When  we  also  recall  that  the  colony  was  largely  made 
up  of  the  weaker  remnants  of  the  Jewish  race,  we  can 
at  least  regard  their  faults  with  charity.  The  con- 
tentious, selfish,  belittling  atmosphere  of  Palestine 
was  not  calculated  to  develop  broad,  noble  characters. 
No  great  national  achievement  and  no  great  crisis 
aroused  their  patriotism  or  inspired  their  faith.  The 
result  was  that  the  Jewish  community  was  afflicted 
by  those  social  evils  which  have  always  been  the  curse 
of  the  Orient.  Its  rulers,  who  should  have  guarded 
it  from  the  foes  which  like  "beasts  of  the  forest 
came  to  devour,"  are  described  as  "blind  and  without 
knowledge,  dumb  dogs   that  cannot  bark,  dreaming, 

11 


162     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

lying  down,  loving  to  slumber;  yea,  greedy  dogs  that 
can  never  have  enough ;  who  say,  '  Come,  I  will  bring 
wine,  and  we  will  carouse  with  strong  drink;  and  to- 
morrow shall  be  as  this  day,  beyond  all  measure  great '  " 
(Isa.  Ivi.  9-12).  Nehemiah  condemned  them  to  their 
face  for  "  exacting  usury  from  their  brothers  and  for 
selling  them  into  slavery  "  (Neh.  v.  1-12).  The  author 
of  Malachi  charges  certain  of  them  with  "  oppressing 
the  hireling  in  his  wages,  the  widow  and  the  fatherless, 
and  for  defrauding  foreigners,  resident  among  them  " 
(iii.  5).  Even  the  high  priests  were  prominent  offend- 
ers. The  civic  life  of  the  Jews  was  little  better  than 
that  of  their  enemies.  Injustice,  lawlessness,  deceit, 
treachery,  and  false  swearing  characterized  their  rela- 
tions with  each  other  as  well  as  with  tlieir  neighbors 
(Mai.  ii.  10;  iii.  5;  Isa.  lix.  3-15). 

151.  As  might  be  expected,  their  religious  life  was 
equally  degenerate.  The  services  of  the  temple  were 
kept  up,  but  the  people  did  not  hesitate  to  cheat  Jeho- 
vah by  bringing  to  him  as  offerings  those  animals 
"  which  had  died  a  violent  death,  and  the  lame  and  the 
sick  "  (Mai.  i.  13).  Worst  of  all,  the  priests  encour- 
aged the  people  in  their  impiety,  and  offered  to  their 
divine  King  what  they  would  never  have  thought  of 
tendering  to  their  Persian  governor  (Mai.  i.  8).  As 
the  result  of  their  laziness  and  indifference,  they  neg- 
lected to  instruct  the  people  respecting  their  duty,  so 
that  the  entire  ceremonial  service  was  corrupt  and 
contemptible  in  the  sight  of  God  (Mai.  ii.  8,  9).  They 
also  failed  to  pay  their  tithes,  so  that  the  worship  of 
the  temple  was  in  danger  of  being  abandoned  for  lack 
of  financial  support  (Mai.  iii.  8). 

152.  Still  more  insidious  and  deadly  dangers  threat- 


SCEPTICAL  TENDENCIES  WITHIN  THE  COMMUNITY     163 

ened  to  extinguish  the  life  of  the  Jewish  state,  since 
for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  their  race  a  defiant 
scepticism  found  open  expression.  The  priests  of  the 
temple  complained :  "  What  a  weariness  is  all  this 
round  of  sacrifices?"  (Mai.  i.  13).  The  bitter  cry: 
"  What  evidence  is  there  that  Jehovah  has  loved  us  ?  " 
could  not  be  ignored  by  the  prophets  (Mai.  i.  2-5). 
Some,  having  lost  all  faith  in  Jehovah,  were  raising 
the  question  which  was  treated  so  sublimely  by  the 
author  of  the  Book  of  Job :  "  What  is  the  use  of  serv- 
ing God  ?  wdiat  profit  has  come  to  us  for  all  our  fast- 
ing, our  prayers,  our  lamentations  and  humiliation  ? 
The  man  who  defies  God,  and  is  self-sufiicient,  and 
seeks  only  his  own  selfish  ends  by  fair  means  or  foul, 
is  the  one  wlio  is  happy  and  enjoys  prosperity.  One 
may  defy  God  with  impunity.  What  is  the  advantage 
of  fearing  him  as  tlie  prophets  and  sages  have  taught  ?  " 
(Mai.  iii.  14,  15).  The  declaration  was  also  made 
openly  that  it  was  all  the  same  whether  a  man  did 
right  or  wrong,  at  least  God  in  no  way  showed  his 
approval  or  disapproval  of  good  or  evil  conduct  (Mai. 
ii.  17). 

153.  In  the  psalms  of  this  period,  those  who  made 
these  sceptical  assertions  are  styled  "the  scorners." 
They  seem  to  have  been  greatly  in  the  majority,  and 
to  have  numbered  among  their  ranks  not  only  the 
dissolute,  oppressive,  evil  heads  of  the  community,  but 
also  many  of  the  leading  priests.  One  of  the  results 
of  this  sceptical  attitude  was  the  disregard  of  the  dis- 
tinction between  tlie  worshippers  of  Jehovah  and  those 
of  heathen  gods.  The  interests  of  peace,  as  well  as  of 
trade,  prompted  the  leaders  of  the  weak,  unpopular 
Jewish  community  to  make  protective  alliances  with 


164     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  nations  surrounding  them.  The  prevailing  method 
of  sealing  such  an  alliance  in  the  old  Oriental  world 
was  by  marriage.  The  temptation  was  a  strong  one, 
and  the  religious  sentiment,  which  should  have  enabled 
them  to  resist  it,  was  weak.  When  Nehemiah  arrived, 
he  found  that  many,  including  the  priestly  family,  had 
yielded  to  it.  Eliashib,  the  chief  priest  of  the  temple, 
was  allied  by  marriage  both  with  Tobiah  the  Ammon- 
ite and  with  Sanballat  the  Horonite  (Neh.  xiii.  5,  28). 
False  prophets  were  also  present,  who  supported  the 
leaders  in  their  apostasy  (Neh.  vi.  10-14).  The  con- 
dition of  the  Jewish  colony  was,  indeed,  pitiable  and 
well-nigh  hopeless.  It  was  weak  and  persecuted ;  it 
had  lost  hope  ;  it  had  lost  character ;  it  had  lost  cour- 
age ;  and  finally  it  had  lost  almost  all  its  faith  in  Jeho- 
vah, and  was  threatened  with  absorption  among  the 
heathen  peoples  which  encircled  it. 

154.  The  one  saving  element,  aside  from  the  faith 
of  the  Jews  who  had  remained  in  the  dispersion,  was 
the  small  but  earnest  party  of  faithful  Puritans,  who 
still  cherished  all  that  the  community  as  a  whole  had 
lost.  By  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Malachi  they  are 
called  "the  righteous"  and  "they  who  feared  the 
Lord  "  (iii.  16,  18).  In  the  psalms  they  are  variously 
styled  "the  pious,"  "the  just,"  "the  meek,"  or  "the 
poor  and  needy."  As  these  terms  suggest,  they  did 
not  belong  to  the  rich  and  influential  classes ;  nor  were 
they  popular  with  the  community  at  large,  for  their 
piety  was  a  constant  protest  against  its  pet  sins.  Per- 
secution at  the  hands  of  their  worldly  brethren  was  for 
them  a  common  experience.  Many  passages  in  the 
psalms  of  the  period  voice  their  woes : 


PERSECUTION  OF  THE  RIGHTEOUS  165 

They  that  hate  me  without  cause  are  more  than  the  hairs 
of  my  head. 

They  that  would  cut  me  off,  being  mine  enemies  wrong- 
fully, are  mighty. 

I  am  become  a  stranger  unto  my  brethren, 

And  an  alien  unto  my  mother's  children. 

They  that  sit  in  the  gate  talk  of  me ; 

And  I  am  the  song  of  the  drunkards.^ 

Evidently  they  were  the  victims  of  the  oppression, 
the  injustice,  and  treachery  of  the  rich  and  ruling 
classes,  whom  the  prophets  of  the  period,  as  well  as 
Nehemiah,  so  harshly  condemn.  The  psalms  reveal 
the  intensity  of  the  animosity  between  the  two  parties 
(see  especially  Ixix.  22-28 ;  xxxv.).  The  meek  were 
the  reproach  of  their  adversaries  because  their  afflic- 
tions were  regarded,  in  accordance  with  the  old  dogma 
of  proportionate  rewards,  as  indubitable  evidence  that 
they  had  committed  grievous  crimes.  The  sense  of 
sin  well-nigh  crushed  them  (li.)-  Passionately  and 
oft  they  prayed  : 

Let  me  not  be  ashamed, 

For  I  put  my  trust  in  thee ; 

Let  integrity  and  uprightness  preserve  me, 

For  I  wait  on  thee.^ 

The  experiences  of  the  hero  of  the  Book  of  Job  were 
those  of  the  party  of  the  "  righteous."  Although  they 
seemed  to  be  condemned  by  God  as  well  as  by  their 
fellow-men,  their  trust  in  Jehovah's  fidelity  and  love 
likewise  rose  triumphant  and  strong  above  their  agony 
of   doubt  and  despair.     Thus,  while  the  Jevrish  com- 

1  Ixix.  4,  8,  12 ;  compare  Ps.  xxii.;  xxv. ;  xxxii. 

2  XXV.  20,  21. 


166     THE    PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

munity  as  a  whole  had  sadly  degenerated,  there  was 
within  it  a  group  of  "  those  who  feared  the  Lord  "  who 
were  drawn  closely  together  by  common  hopes  and 
afUictions  (Mai.  iii.  16).  They  were  the  ones  who 
prayed  most  earnestly  that  the  walls  might,  in  God's 
good  pleasure,  be  rebuilt,  and  they  were  the  ones  who 
deplored  most  deei)ly  that  the  services  of  the  tem})le 
were  being  neglected  (Ps.  li.  18,  19).  By  their  (idelity 
and  suffering  they  preserved  the  faith  in  Jehovah, 
inherited  by  their  race,  during  the  critical  years  pre- 
ceding the  advent  of  Nehemiah,  and  stood  ready  to 
unite  in  raising  the  standard  of  reform,  when  circum- 
stances were  favorable,  and  when  the  Lord  "  should 
send  his  messenger,  who  would  prepare  his  way  before 
him"  (Mai.  iii.  1). 


VII 

THE   REBUILDING    OF   THE   WALLS    UNDER    NEHEMIAH 

155.  At  the  most  critical  time  in  the  history  of  the 
Jewish  community  in  Palestine,  a  messenger  of  the 
Lord  appeared,  who,  by  his  patriotic,  unselfish  action, 
turned  the  currents  of  its  life  into  higher  and  nobler 
channels.  It  was  probably  the  result  of  no  mere 
chance,  that  a  deputation  of  Jews  from  Palestine,  with 
a  relative  of  the  king's  cup-bearer  at  their  head,  were 
found  in  Susa,  the  distant  capital  of  the  Persian 
empire.  Fortunately  the  man  to  whom  they  appealed, 
was  lacking  neither  in  energy  nor  in  influence  nor  in 
devotion  to  his  race.  Neliemiah,  the  youthful  son  of 
Hacaliah,  was  one  of  the  noblest  representatives  of 
Judaism  in  the  East.  Although  reared  far  from  his 
native  land,  and  surrounded  by  the  corrupting  influences 
of  the  Persian  capital  and  court,  his  fidelity  to  the 
God  and  laws  of  his  fathers  contrasted  most  favor- 
ably witli  that  of  his  kinsmen  who  lived  under  the 
shadow  of  the  temple.  At  the  same  time  he  was 
gifted  with  a  tact  and  executive  ability  which  enabled 
him  to  win  a  high  place  of  honor  and  responsibility 
in  the  presence  of  the  Great  King. 

156.  The  Jewish  chronology  of  the  Persian  period 
must  forever  remain  in  some  doubt  because  three 
rulers    bearing   the   name    of    Artaxerxes   and   three 


168     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

bearing  the  name  of  Darius  sat  at  different  times  on 
the  throne  of  Persia ;  and  the  biblical  writers  never 
distinguish  between  them.  The  absence  both  in  the 
memoirs  of  Nehemiah  and  in  the  Aramaic  document 
(Ezra  iv.  7-23),  of  any  of  those  titles  whereby  Artax- 
erxes  II.  and  III.  were  designated,  perhaps  suggests 
that  the  master  of  Nehemiah  was  Artaxerxes  I.  This 
inference  is  further  confirmed  by  his  reputation  for 
being  especially  susceptible  to  the  influence  of  the 
favorites  in  his  court.  The  queen  w^ho  "was  sitting 
beside  him"  (significantly  referred  to  in  Neh.  ii.  6) 
was  in  all  probability  the  queen-mother  Amestris, 
whose  influence  over  her  son  w^as  paramount.  Accord- 
ing to  Nehemiah  xii.  10,  the  Eliashib  who  continued  to 
occupy  tlie  position  of  high  priest  in  Jerusalem  in  the 
thirty-second  year  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  (Neh. 
xiii.  4,  28),  was  a  grandson  of  Joshua,  under  whose 
administration  the  temple  vvas  rebuilt  in  520  B.  c. 
A  grandson  of  Joshua  would  naturally  be  living  during 
the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  I.  ;  but  the  thirty-second  year 
of  the  second  king  who  bore  this  name  was  a  century 
and  a  half  after  the  completion  of  the  temple,  so  that 
it  is  highly  improbable,  if  not  impossible,  that  Eliashib 
was  then  alive.  On  the  other  hand  there  is  nothing 
except  certain  contradictory  statements  of  Josephus  to 
suggest  that  the  king  referred  to  w^as  any  other  than 
Artaxerxes  I.  (464-424  b.  c). 

157.  The  manner  in  which  permission  to  rebuild 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem  was  gained,  is  characteristic  of 
the  Persian  court  of  the  period.  To  Nehemiah,  a  Jew 
of  the  dispersion,  who  knew  Jerusalem  chiefly  through 
the  idealizing  memories  of  his  ancestors,  a  faithful 
portrayal  of  the  actual  conditions  existing  there  natu- 


NEHEMIAH'S  COMMISSION  AS  GOVERNOR         169 

rally  brought  a  sevoi-e  shock.  Oriental  that  he  was, 
he  gave  expression  to  his  feelings  in  fasting  and 
lamentation.  Fervently  he  prayed  to  Jehovah,  ac- 
knowledging the  burden  of  guilt  which  he,  in  common 
with  all  the  pious  of  his  race,  felt  still  rested  upon 
them  because  of  the  sins  of  their  forefathers.  Fortu- 
nately his  prayer  did  not  end  with  merely  a  general 
petition.  Without  hesitation  he  assumed  the  responsi- 
bility to  his  race,  entailed  by  his  comparatively  exalted 
position  as  cup-bearer  to  the  king,  and  besought  divine 
aid  in  the  difficult  task  which  he  set  before  himself. 
Three  months  he  waited  for  a  favorable  occasion.  It 
came  in  the  first  month  (March- April)  of  the  year 
445  B.  c.  As  he  was  serving  in  the  royal  presence, 
Artaxerxes  detected  a  trace  of  sadness  in  the  counte- 
nance of  his  trusty  servant.  His  inquiry  as  to  the 
reason  gave  Nehemiah  his  supreme  opportunity  to 
appeal  to  the  well-known  kind-heartedness  of  the  king. 
In  the  language  of  a  courtier,  but  in  a  simple,  straight- 
forward manner,  he  told  the  king  of  the  pitiable 
condition  of  Jerusalem,  "  the  city  of  his  fathers'  sep- 
ulchres." Artaxerxes,  who  could  not  tolerate  sorrow 
in  his  presence,  was  moved  to  pity  rather  than  anger, 
and  asked  the  young  Jew  to  make  known  his  request. 
Strengthened  by  a  prayer  for  help,  Nehemiah  petitioned 
for  royal  authority  to  rebuild  the  ruined  city.  Tlie 
caprice  of  the  moment  inclined  Artaxerxes  to  do  a 
favor  which  cost  him  nothing  but  the  temporary 
absence  of  one  of  his  cup-bearers.  A  limited  leave 
of  absence  was  granted  to  Nehemiah,  and  he  was 
appointed  governor  of  Judah  with  full  authority  to 
rebuild  Jerusalem.  At  his  request,  Artaxerxes  pro- 
vided   him   with    royal    passports   addressed    to    the 


170     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

officials  of  the  trans-Euphrates  province,  and  with 
orders  to  the  keeper  of  the  royal  forest,  Asaph  (whose 
name  indicates  that  he  also  was  a  Jew),  to  furnish  the 
timber  necessary  for  the  repair  of  the  gates  and  walls 
of  the  city. 

158.  Apparently  without  delay,  Nehemiah  set  out, 
attended  by  an  escort  of  cavalry,  detailed  by  the  king, 
and  also  with  a  considerable  following  of  patriotic 
Jews,  who  like  himself  were  intent  upon  transforming 
conditions  in  Jerusalem  (Ezra  ii.  2 ;  iv.  12 ;  Neh.  ii.). 
Over  the  great  post-roads  built  by  Darius,  the  journey 
was  probably  accomplished  within  a  month.  Ari-iving 
at  Jerusalem,  he  devoted  the  first  few  days  to  studying 
conditions  there.  For  the  difficult  task  which  lay 
before  him,  he  fortunately  possessed  the  qualifications 
of  an  experienced  courtier  as  well  as  the  ability  of  a 
man  accustomed  to  command.  The  obstacles  which 
confronted  him  within  the  community  were  even 
greater  than  those  which  were  thrown  in  his  way  by 
the  avowed  foes  of  the  colony.  His  personal  sympa- 
thies were  with  the  small  and  weak  party  of  the  "  poor 
and  needy  ; "  while  the  resources  with  which  the  city 
must  be  repaired,  were  at  the  command  of  the  leaders 
and  the  rich,  who  for  most  part  belonged  to  the  party 
of  "  the  scorners."  Even  though  I  ^  was  proving  him- 
self their  savior,  he  soon  found  that  he  was  the  A'ictim 
of  their  treachery.  Fortunately,  with  personal  wealtli 
at  his  command,  he  was  able  to  relieve  the  community 
from  the  odious  exactions  to  which  it  liad  hitherto 
been  subjected  for  the  support  of  the  governor  and  his 
retinue  (v.  14).  From  the  first  he  also  entertained  at 
his  table  in  royal  fashion  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the 
leading  men  of  Jerusalem  and  of  tlie  outlying  towns, 


NEHEMIAH'S  PLAN  OF    OPERATION  171 

in  addition  to  the  guests  who  came  from  time  to  time 
from  the  heathen  nations  about  (v.  IT,  18).  In  the 
poor,  struggling  Jewish  state,  nothing  was  better  calcu- 
lated to  disarm  hostile  criticism  and  insure  the  popu- 
larity of  the  new  governor  and  his  measures  than  the 
policy  which  Nehemiah  pursued. 

159.    He  did  not,  however,  trust  the  details  of  his 
work  to  others.     On  the  night  of  the  third  day  after 
his  arrival,  with  a  few  of  his  followers,  and  without 
the   knowledge    of   the    resident   Jews,  he  personally 
inspected  the   state  of  the  walls.     Going  out  by  the 
valley  gate  to  the  soutliwest  of  the  city,  he  went  along 
the  southern  wall  to  the  fountain  gate  and  the  king's 
pool.     Here  he  found  the  narrow  valley  of  the  Kidron 
so  choked   with  rubbish  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
behind  the  animal  upon  which  he  was  riding,  and  to 
proceed  along  the  east  side  of  the  city  on  foot.     Hav- 
ing satisfied  himself  concerning  the  magnitude  of  the 
task  before  him,  he  called  an  assembly  of  the  priests, 
the  nobles,  the  representatives  of  the  different  towns, 
and  the  able-bodied  workmen.     In  a  stirriug  address, 
he  called  their  attention  to  the  unprotected  condition 
of  the  city,  and  urged  them  to  arise  and  build,  that 
their  inactivity   might   no  longer   give   their  foes    an 
occasion  for  bitter  t-imts.     He  aroused  their  wavering 
faith  in  Jehovah's   help  by    calling   attention   to   the 
remarkable    concessions  which   the    Great   King   had 
already  granted  to  him.     In  the   circumstances  it  is 
not   surprising  that  they  voted  unanimously  to  begin 
at  once  the  work  of  rebuilding. 

160.  His  plan  of  operation  illustrates  the  rare 
tact  and  executive  ability  of  Nehemiah.  Realizing 
that,  if  the  work  was  to  be  effective,  the  entire  wall 


172     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

must  be  built  at  once,  and  that  to  accompli sli  this  all 
the  energies  of  the  community  must  be  enlisted,  he 
threw  the  responsibility  upon  the  different  groups  in 
the  community,  and  appealed  to  the  spirit  of  mutual 
emulation  and  personal  interest,  as  well  as  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  political  body  as  a  whole.  To  this 
end  he  divided  the  work  into  different  sections.  The 
rebuilding  of  the  sheep  gate  at  the  north  of  the  temple 
area,  where  the  animals  for  sacrifice  were  led  into 
the  city,  he  intrusted  to  the  priests.  The  men  from 
Jericho  were  held  responsible  for  the  building  of  the 
protecting  towers  on  the  north  of  the  city.  To  promi- 
nent nobles  and  their  families  were  assigned  sections 
of  the  walls.  Certain  tribes  also  assumed  the  responsi- 
bility of  completing  other  divisions  of  the  work.  Even 
the  more  important  guilds,  as,  for  example,  that  of 
the  goldsmiths,  were  represented  in  the  distribution. 
Many  private  individuals  were  allowed  to  repair  the 
wall  opposite  their  own  houses.  Tn  this  way  the  lazy, 
wrangling  community  was  suddenly  transformed  into 
an  intensely  active  working  body.  It  is  reported  that 
of  all  the  groups  of  workmen  represented,  the  nobles 
from  Tckoa  alone  did  not  faithfully  discharge  the 
task  laid  upon  them  by  Nehemiah. 

161  The  constant  danger  of  attack  soon  nerved  all 
to  put  forth  the  most  strenuous  efforts.  At  first  their 
foes,  headed  by  Sanballat  the  Horonite,  who  probably 
came  from  Beth-horon,  located  in  tlie  territory  of 
Samaria,  Tobiah,  who  seems  to  have  been  the  Persian 
official  head  of  the  Ammonites,  arid  Gashmu  (or 
Geshem),  an  Arabian,  only  jeered  at  the  suggestion 
that  the  Jews  would  succeed  in  fortifying  the  ancient 
capital.     Superlative  contempt  and   probably  a  sneer 


THE  JERUSALEM 
OF  NEHEMIAH. 


THREATS   OF  THE  NEIGHBORS   OF  THE   JEWS      173 

at  the  attitude  of  the  party  of  the  "  meek  "  are  expressed 
in  the  words  of  Sanballat :  ''  Do  these  weak  and  lazy 
Jews  think  that  all  that  is  necessary  is  for  them  to 
gather  together  and  propitiate  their  God  by  sacrifice, 
and  that  then,  oat  of  these  charred  ruins,  walls  will 
rise  in  a  day  ? "  "  Yes,  a  fox  leaping  upon  any  wall 
which  they  will  rear,  would  be  able  to  tumble  it  over," 
was  the  equally  scornful  rejoinder  of  Tobiah.  Their 
words  aroused  the  hot  anger  of  Nehemiah,  and  called 
forth  from  him  a  bitter  prayer  for  vengeance.  At  the 
same  time  the  implied  menace  impelled  the  workmen 
to  redouble  their  exertions,  so  that  in  an  incredibly 
short  time  the  breaches  in  the  walls  were  nearly 
closed. 

162.  Then  the  scorn  of  their  neighbors,  the  Samari- 
tans, the  Arabians,  the  Ammonites,  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Philistine  town  of  Ashdod,  was  changed  to  alarm, 
for  they  recognized  that  a  new  spirit  had  been  infused 
into  the  Jewish  community,  which  hitherto  they  had 
found  an  easy  prey.  Accordingly  they  conspired  to- 
gether to  make  a  sudden  and  overwhelming  attack 
upon  the  workmen  and  to  destroy  the  results  of  their 
labors.  The  formation  of  such  a  general  league  could 
not,  however,  be  kept  secret.  Through  those  residing 
in  the  outlying  towns,  news  came  of  the  threatening 
attack.  A  panic  seized  the  Jews,  who  for  more  than 
a  century  and  a  half  had  learned  only  the  lesson  of 
helpless  submission.  Messengers  also  came  from  the 
towns  of  Mizpah,  Jericho,  Tekoa,  and  other  villages, 
demanding  that  the  contingents  which  they  had  de- 
puted to  build  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  be  sent  back  at 
once  to  defend  their  own  possessions.  The  work  would 
forthwith   have  been  abandoned,  had   not  Nehemiah 


174    THE  PEllSLVN  PEllIUD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

proved  equal  to  the  crisis.  First,  arming  the  people 
and  placing  the  men  in  front  of  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, he  appealed  to  their  faith  in  Jehovah,  and  urged 
them  to  fight  for  their  homes  and  tlieir  families.  The 
report  that  the  weak-kneed  Jews  were  preparing  to 
make  a  desperate  defence  daunted  the  zeal  of  the 
confederates. 

163.  Although  the  threatened  attack  never  came, 
the  possibility  of  it  was  ever  present.  Nehemiah  was 
compelled  to  organize  his  forces  on  a  military  basis, 
and  in  so  doing  showed  himself  as  able  a  general  as 
he  was  a  courtier.  The  work  was  resumed,  but  each 
man  had  his  weapons  ready  at  hand.  At  night  none 
were  allowed  to  leave  the  city.  Nehemiah  divided  his 
immediate  following  into  two  companies,  the  one  to 
relieve  those  who  were  exhausted  in  the  work,  and  the 
other  to  stand  constantly  in  arms.  Day  and  night, 
neither  they  nor  their  devoted  commander  laid  them 
aside ;  while  tlie  rest  toiled  from  sunrise  until  dark- 
ness. Orders  were  also  issued  tliat  the  people  rally 
to  repulse  the  enemy  at  any  point,  wherever  the  alarm 
was  sounded  by  the  trumpeter,  who  never  left  the  side 
of  Nehemiah.  Under  the  pressure  of  constant  danger, 
the  work  progressed  with  marvellous  rapidity,  until 
before  many  weeks  the  line  of  the  walls  was  com- 
plete, although  the  doors  had  not  yet  been  set  in  the 
gates. 

164.  When  the  facts  were  reported  to  Sanballat  and 
Gashmu,  they  changed  their  tactics  and  sought  to 
effect  a  compromise.  They  first  proposed  a  con- 
ference at  one  of  the  villages  of  the  plain  of  Ono, 
northwest  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  southwestern  borders 
of  Samaria.     The  experienced  Persian  courtier  at  once 


CONSPIRACIES  AGAINST  NEHEMIAH  175 

suspected  a  plot  to  gain  possession  of  his  person. 
There  certainly  had  been  nothing  in  the  previous  atti- 
tude of  his  foes  to  inspire  confidence  in  the  honesty  of 
their  purpose.  It  was  indeed  an  unpleasant  experi- 
ence for  them  to  be  flatly  told  that  they  "  had  no 
longer  any  right  in  Jerusalem "  (Neh.  ii.  20) ;  bat 
Nehemiah  was  carrying  through  a  religious  policy 
which  gave  no  opportunity  for  compromise,  and  there- 
fore he  sent  back  the  curt  reply  that  he  was  employed 
on  a  far  more  important  work,  and  had  no  time  for 
conference.  When,  after  repeated  attempts,  their 
efforts  to  shake  his  purpose  and  remove  him  by  treach- 
ery failed,  they  endeavored  to  implicate  him  in  treason 
against  the  Persian  government.  With  this  end  in 
view,  they  sent  to  him  an  open  letter  referring  to  the 
current  report  that  in  building  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
he  and  the  Jews  contemplated  making  him  king. 
They  also  charged  Nehemiah  with  having  induced  cer- 
tain prophets  to  proclaim  him  king  of  Judah.  Since  the 
report  would  ultimately  reach  the  ears  of  the  Great 
King,  they  intimated  that  they  would  be  glad  to  take 
council  with  him  that  they  might  organize  a  success- 
ful conspiracy.  Some  of  the  over-zealous  Jerusalem 
prophets  may  have  hailed  Nehemiah  as  a  Messianic 
deliverer,  and  thus  have  furnished  a  certain  foundation 
for  the  charge,  although  there  is  little  doubt  that  the 
proposals  of  Sanballat  and  his  associates  were  made  in 
sarcasm.  Nehemiah  contented  himself  with  simply 
denying  their  malevolent  assertions. 

165.  The  last  plot  against  himself  which  Nehemiah 
reports,  was  the  most  insidious  of  all.  One  of  the  rec- 
ognized prophets  of  Jerusalem,  Shemaiah  ben  Delaiah, 
in  the  privacy  of  his  own  house  declared  to  Nehemiah 


176     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

that  a  plot  against  bis  life  had  been  divinely  revealed 
to  him.  Apparently  in  all  honesty,  lie  urged  the  gov- 
ernor to  take  refuge  at  night  within  the  temple  from 
his  would-be  assassins.  To  have  done  so  would  have 
destroyed  forever  his  influence  in  Jerusalem.  For- 
tunately Nehemiah's  sense  of  honor,  as  well  as  his 
reverence  for  the  sanctity  of  the  temple,  saved  him. 
"  Should  a  man  of  my  character  and  position  flee  ? 
Should  I,  a  layman,  enter  the  holy  sanctuary  to  save 
my  life  ?  Most  assuredly  I  will  not,"  was  his  indig- 
nant reply.  Subsequent  developments  demonstrated 
that  Shemaiah,  together  with  other  prophets  and  a 
certahi  prophetess  by  the  name  of  Noadiah,  had  been 
hired  by  Tobiah  and  Sanballat  to  betray  the  cour- 
ageous governor.  Although  many  of  the  most  promi- 
nent men  in  Jerusalem  were  related  by  marriage,  and 
so  were  in  closest  communication  with  these  unprin- 
cipled foes  of  Nehemiah,  he  stoutly  refused  to  listen  to 
their  suggestions  of  a  compromise  ;  and  so  escaped 
from  all  the  meshes  which  they  cast  about  him.  In 
tlie  face  of  secret  opposition,  he  pushed  the  work  of 
restoration  so  rapidly  that  about  the  first  of  Septem- 
ber, 445  B.  c,  the  walls  were  completed.  The  period 
of  fifty-two  days,  in  wliicli  he  states  that  the  great 
undertaking  was  accomplislied,  would  seem  incredibly 
short,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  walls  had  been 
only  partially  destroyed,  that  the  energies  of  the  colony 
were  thoroughly  enlisted,  that  the  cause  for  haste  was 
most  strenuous,  and  above  all  that  the  man  who  directed 
the  work  was  as  gifted  as  he  was  devout. 

166.  The  walls  were  finished  none  too  soon.  We 
are  not  surprised  to  learn  from  the  Aramaic  document 
(Ezra  iv.  8-23)  that,  even  before  the  work  was  entirely 


PERSIAN  DECREE   STOPPING  THE   WORK  177 

completed,  the  Persian  officials  resident  in  Samaria, 
probably  at  the  instigation  of  Sanballat  and  Tobiah, 
who  thus  carried  out  the  threat  which  they  made  to 
Nehemiah  (Neh.  vi.  7),  sent  to  xirtaxerxes  a  report  of 
the  work  being  done  by  the  Jews.  The  servants  of  the 
Great  King  may  have  felt,  as  they  claim  (Ezra  iv.  14), 
that  they  were  only  faithfully  discharging  their  duties ; 
but,  if  so,  they  were  sadly  misled  by  the  malicious 
slanders  of  Sanballat  and  Tobiah.  Their  report  as- 
serted that  the  aim  of  the  Jews  in  building  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  was  rebellion,  and  that  if  the  work  which 
had  already  progressed  so  far  should  be  allowed  to 
reach  completion  without  royal  interference,  "  they 
would  not  pay  tribute,  custom,  or  toll,  and  that  in  the 
end  it  would  prove  harmful  to  the  interest  of  the 
king."  They  also  called  attention  to  the  bad  reputa- 
tion for  rebellion  borne  in  the  past  by  the  Jews,  and 
especially  by  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem.  In  con- 
clusion, they  asserted  as  their  united  opinion,  that 
if  the  king  did  not  quickly  put  a  stop  to  the  work 
he  would  entirely  lose  his  trans-Euphrates  province. 
Nothing  was  better  calculated  to  arouse  the  fears  and 
anger  of  Artaxerxes  than  the  points  which  they  em- 
phasized, for  the  memory  of  the  successful  revolt  of 
Megabyzus,  at  the  head  of  the  same  province,  was  still 
fresh  in  his  mind.  The  mere  suggestion  of  a  danger 
that  a  similar  humiliating  experience  might  be  repeated, 
called  forth  the  most  strenuous  orders  from  the  king 
to  stop  at  once  the  building  of  the  walls. 

167.  The  Persian  officials,  for  obvious  reasons,  did  not 
mention  the  name  of  Nehemiah  in  their  report.  It  is 
possible  that  Artaxerxes  did  not  associate  the  work  of 
the  Jews  with  the  concession  which  he  had  given  to  his 

12 


178     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

cup-bearer,  as  the  result  of  the  generous  impulse  of  a 
moment.  It"  he  did,  the  fears  and  suspicions  aroused 
by  the  report  of  his  officials  only  led  him  to  regret  his 
kindness.  When  the  royal  decree  came,  the  Persian 
officers  at  Samaria  lost  no  time  in  carrying  it  into 
effect  by  force  ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  time  required  to 
communicate  with  the  king,  Jerusalem  was  encircled 
with  walls,  and  the  Jews  were  in  a  position  to  accept 
the  terms  of  the  royal  decree,  which  gave  authority  to 
stop  all  building,  but  none  to  destroy  the  work  already 
done.  One  cannot  refrain  from  wondering  whether 
Nehemiah's  extreme  haste  was  not  prompted  in  part 
by  the  fear  that  there  would  be  some  such  capricious 
change  of  policy,  as  soon  as  he  left  the  Persian  court. 
Apparently,  a  personal  presentation  of  the  facts 
re-established  his  good  relations  with  Artaxerxes,  so 
that  he  did  not  deem  the  incident  worthy  of  recording 
in  his  memoirs,  or  if  he  did  mention  it,  the  chronicler, 
in  his  work  of  epitomizing  and  harmonizing,  failed  to 
quote  it,  since,  for  reasons  of  his  own,  he  gave  the 
incident  a  different  setting  (sect.  90). 

168.  In  vii.  1-4  of  his  memoirs,  Nehemiah  states, 
however,  that  when  the  gates  as  Avell  as  the  walls  were 
completed,  he  placed  the  city  in  the  charge  of  two  men, 
his  kinsman  Hanani,  and  Hananiah,  the  commander  of 
the  castle,  a  faithful  and  God-fearing  Jew.  This  act 
and  the  detailed  commands  which  he  issued  for  the 
regulation  of  the  city,  strongly  suggest  that  he  was 
making  preparations  for  his  departure.  His  statement 
in  V.  14,  that  his  appointment  as  governor  continued 
twelve  years,  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  the 
greater  part  of  that  time  was  spent  in  Jerusalem. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  condition  upon  which  he  was 


THE  KEPEOPLING  OF  JERUSALEM       179 

allowed  to  leave  the  Persian  court  was  that  he  would 
return  after  a  set  time,  presumably  long  enough  to 
complete  the  rebuilding  of  the  city  of  his  fathers.  In 
xiii.  6,  he  distinctly  states  that  he  had  been  away  from 
Jerusalem  during  the  period  when  the  innovations 
which  aroused  his  indignation  were  introduced.  The 
character  of  these  changes  indicates  that  his  absence 
extended  through  several  years. 

1(39.  Nehemiah's  regulations  for  the  defence  of  Jeru- 
salem indicate  that  he  anticipated  no  abatement  in  the 
hostility  of  its  foes.  The  city  gates  were  not  to  be 
opened  until  the  middle  of  the  forenoon.  Then  they 
were  to  be  strongly  guarded.  At  night  they  were  to  be 
securely  barred,  while  the  different  sections  of  the  walls 
were  to  be  watched  by  those  residing  near  them.  Even 
with  these  strenuous  precautions,  the  city  was  still  in 
danger,  for  the  restored  walls  had  been  built  in  the 
days  of  its  greatest  prosperity,  so  that  their  length  and 
the  space  which  they  enclosed,  were  great.  No 
general  return  had  yet  brought  back  thousands  of  loyal 
Jews,  so  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  sacred  city  were 
too  few  to  defend  it  properly  (vii.  4).  Henceforth  the 
rulers  of  the  community  were  induced  to  dwell  in  Jeru- 
salem. To  complete  the  full  quota,  it  also  was  neces- 
sary to  select  by  lot  one  tenth  of  all  the  Jewish 
population  resident  outside  Jerusalem  and  to  bring 
them  into  the  city.  Those  who  freely  volunteered, 
enjoyed  the  gratitude  of  their  fellow-countrymen.  Far 
different  from  the  hopes  of  the  great  exihc  prophet 
was  the  prosaic  manner  in  which  Zion  again  became 
inhabited;  but  Nehemiah,  for  the  first  time  since  its 
destruction,  laid  the  foundations  for  a  stable  develop- 
ment. 


180     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

170.  Before  Nehemiah  returned  to  Siisa,  and  proba- 
]3ly  before  the  adverse  decree  came  from  Artaxerxes, 
the  walls  were  solemnly  rededlcated.  The  chronicler, 
in  connection  with  his  extracts  from  Nehemiah's 
account  of  the  joyful  occasion  (Neh.  xii.  31,  32, 
37-40),  has  given  his  conception  of  the  event,  wherein 
the  classes  most  prominent  in  his  day,  —  the  priests, 
the  Levites,  the  singers  (and  even  Ezra  the  scribe), — 
are  introduced  as  the  chief  actors ;  while  Nehemiah 
and  the  civil  rulers  are  relegated  to  the  background. 
Fortunately,  in  the  fragment  quoted  from  his  memoir, 
Nehemiah  has  given  a  vivid  picture  of  the  unique 
celebration.  He  first  assembled  the  people  and  the 
princes  at  the  valley  gate  at  the  southwest  corner  of  the 
city,  the  most  distant  point  from  the  temple.  Then 
lie  divided  them  into  two  companies,  each  of  which  pro- 
ceeded in  opposite  directions,  following  the  wall,  and, 
as  they  went,  giving  thanks  to  Jehovah  for  prosper- 
ino"  the  work.  "  One,  under  Hoshaiah  and  half  of  the 
princes  of  Judah,  went  eastward  upon  the  wall  towards 
the  dung  gate  and  by  the  fountain  gate,  and  straight 
before  them  they  went  up  along  the  stairs  of  the  city  of 
David  even  to  the  water  gate  on  the  east  side  of  the 
city  "  (compare  map  facing  page  172)  and  on  to  the  open 
space  by  the  gate  of  the  guard  before  the  temple.  The 
second  company,  followed  by  Nehemiah,  proceeded 
along  the  other  half  of  the  city  walls,  ''  past  the  tower 
of  the  furnaces  to  the  broad  wall,  and  past  the  gate  of 
Ephraim,  the  gate  of  the  old  wall,  the  fish  gate,  the 
towers  of  Hananel  and  Hammeah,  and  the  sheep  gate 
to  the  gate  of  the  guard."  There  before  the  temple  the 
two  companies  met  and  stood,  uniting  their  voices  in 
loud  songs  of  thanksgiving ;  while  probably  from  the 


THE   REDEDICATION  OF   THE    WALLS  181 

porch  and  interior  of  the  temple  came  the  solemn  chant 
of  the  priests  and  ministers  of  the  sanctuary.  "  Then 
they  offered  great  sacrifices  that  day  and  rejoiced ;  for 
God  had  made  them  rejoice  with  great  joy ;  and  the 
women  also  and  the  children  rejoiced,  so  that  the  joy 
of  Jerusalem  was  heard  even  afar  off  "  (xii.  43).  Well 
might  they  rejoice,  for,  after  more  than  two  centuries 
of  shame  and  discouragement,  the  Jews  again  could 
securely  dwell  under  the  shadow  of  their  temple  and 
sing: 

Our  feet  are  standing  within  thy  gates,  0  Jerusalem, 
Jerusalem,  that  art   builded  as   a  city  that   is   compact 
together.^ 

The  subsequent  development  of  Judaism  rested  upon 
the  noble  work  of  the  great  layman.  Truly  did  Jesus 
the  son  of   Sirach  declare  : 

The  memorial  of  Nehemiah  is  great ; 

Who  raised  up  for  us  the  walls  that  were  fallen, 

And  set  up  the  gates  and  bars, 

And  raised  up  our  homes  again.^ 

1  Ps.  cxxii.  2,  3.  2  Ecclus.  xlix.  13. 


Yin 

PRELIMINARY   REFORM   MEASURES 

171.  The  importance  of  the  rebuilding  of  the  Avails 
and  of  the  repopulation  of  Jerusalem  cannot  be  over- 
estimated, for  without  this  preliminary  work  the  polit- 
ical and  religious  future  of  the  Jewish  colony  was 
almost  hopeless.  A  fundamental  reform  in  the  char- 
acter and  practices  of  the  community  was  still  abso- 
lutely demanded  before  it  could  worthily  represent 
either  the  Jewish  race  as  a  whole  or  the  Jehovah 
which  it  formally  acknowledged  (compare  sects.  150 
to  154).  With  the  exception  of  the  faithful  few,  the 
sweeping  charge  of  one  of  their  prophets  was  true ; 
the  members  of  the  little  state  were  thoroughly  de- 
praved (Isa.  lix.  1-8).  Prophets  were  still  found  to 
denounce  existing  evils  and  to  urge  reform  ;  but  ap- 
parently they  were  obliged  to  shield  themselves  from 
malignant  persecution  behind  anonymous  writings. 
Many  of  the  righteous  were  cherishing  in  secret  the 
hope  that  Jehovah  would  speedily  send  his  messenger 
of  the  covenant,  who  would  suddenly  come  to  the 
temple  to  purify,  as  with  a  refiner's  fire  and  fuller's 
soap,  the  sons  of  Levi  and  the  services  of  the  sanctu- 
ary, and  many  were  even  hoping  that  Jehovah  himself 
would  appear  to  condemn  the  prevalent  heathen  prac- 
tices, the  false  swearing  and  the  oppression  of  the  help- 
less by  the  strong  (Mai.  iii.  1-5). 


CHECKING  UNJUST  EXACTIONS  183 

172.  In  Nehemiah,  the  party  of  the  righteous  and 
the  cause  of  social  and  religious  purity  found  an  effec- 
tive champion.  Fortunately,  with  his  authority  and  in 
view  of  his  services  to  the  community,  he  was  able  to 
command,  as  well  as  to  exhort.  Apparently,  while  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem  were  still  being  built,  the  wrongs 
of  the  masses  found  expression  (Neh.  v.).  Under  the 
unjust  rule  of  the  leaders  of  the  community,  as  a 
result  of  the  prevalent  system  of  exacting  usury,  the 
common  people  had  been  forced  not  only  to  mortgage 
their  fields  and  crops,  but  also  to  sell  their  sons  and 
daughters  into  shameful  slavery  to  the  nobles  and  to 
the  rich,  in  order  to  meet  the  Persian  tax  and  to  get 
food  with  which  to  live.  When  Nehemiah  learned  the 
real  state  of  affairs,  he  called  a  general  assembly  of 
the  people,  and  turned  upon  the  heartless  oppressors 
in  hot  indignation.  He  first  called  tlieir  attention  to 
the  example  set  by  liimself  and  those  who  had  re- 
turned with  him,  in  ransoming,  as  far  as  tlieir  means 
permitted,  their  brethren  who  had  for  one  reason  or 
another  been  sold  to  the  heathen.  He  also  appealed 
to  their  sense  of  shame,  by  pointing  out  how,  by  their 
despicable  conduct,  they  were  making  their  state  an 
object  of  reproach  in  the  eyes  of  the  heathen  foes  who 
surrounded  them.  To  these  charges  the  culprits  could 
make  no  reply.  Then  he  proposed  that  they  all,  he 
and  his  followers,  as  well  as  the  leaders  in  the  com- 
munity, cease  to  ask  any  interest  from  their  needy 
fellow-countrymen.  At  his  command,  the  leaders  of 
the  people  consented  to  restore  at  once  the  fields,  the 
vineyards,  and  the  houses  which  they  had  taken  from 
their  poorer  brethren,  and  to  remit  all  exactions.  To 
insure  the  fulfilment   of   the   promise,  Nehemiah  ad- 


184     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

ministered  to  them  a  solemn  oath  in  the  presence  of 
the  priests,  and  called  down  a  curse  of  expatriation 
and  divine  judgment  upon  any  one  who  should  prove 
faithless  to  his  covenant.  "  And  all  the  congregation 
said,  ^  Amen,'  and  praised  the  Lord." 

173.  Thus  the  radical  reform,  which  was  destined 
to  transform  the  life  of  the  community,  began  beside 
the  half  builded  Avails  and  under  the  direction  of  the 
patriot  Nehemiah.  The  precedents  which  he  then 
established,  were  later  embodied  in  that  collection  of 
laws  known  as  the  Priestly  Code  (sect.  201).  The 
earliest  Israelitish  law  provided  for  the  selling  into 
slavery  of  a  Hebrew  son  or  daughter  by  the  parent 
(Ex.  xxi.  2-6).  The  Deuteronomic  law  reasserted  the 
earlier,  only  extending  more  favorable  terms  to  the 
male  slave  (xv.  12-18).  The  action  of  the  leaders 
of  the  Judean  community  was,  therefore,  strictly  legal, 
for  Deuteronomy  was  still  the  code  which  governed 
them.  Nehemiah  and  those  who  had  returned  from 
the  dispersion  were,  how^ever,  beginning  to  recognize 
a  higher  principle  of  brotherly  love.  That  principle 
and  the  precedent  established  by  Nehemiah  are  ex- 
pressed in  the  Priestly  Code  (Lev.  xxv.  39-41),  which 
emphatically  enacts  that  no  Hebrew  shall  be  made 
a  "  bondservant."  Similarly,  in  the  older  law^s  of 
Exodus  xxii.  25  and  Deuteronomy  xxiii.  19-20,  which 
were  recognized  by  the  community,  it  is  forbidden  to 
take  interest  on  a  loan  to  a  fellow  Israelite.  Accord- 
ing to  their  standards,  the  conduct  of  the  leaders  in 
demanding  interest  was  indefensible ;  but  Nehemiah 
and  his  followers,  in  accepting  it  on  ordinary  loans, 
w^ere  following  the  custom  which,  for  practical  reasons, 
was  becoming  common  among  the  Jews  of  the  disper- 


THE  DANGER  OF   HEATHEN  MARRIAGES         185 

sion,  and  wMch  was  later  adopted  by  those  in  Palestine 
(Matt.  XXV.  27).  What  Nehemiah  attacked  was  the 
exacting  of  interest  from  those  in  distress.  This  prin- 
ciple again  is  precisely  what  is  emphasized  in  the 
Priestly  Code  (Lev.  xxv.  35-37).  The  fact  that  it 
alone  prohibits  the  taking  of  interest  from  ''the  brother 
who  has  become  poor,"  implies  that  it  was  permitted  in 
ordinary  business  relations. 

174.  In  other  matters,  Nehemiah,  imbued  with  the 
stricter  ideals  of  the  Jews  of  the  East,  proved  the 
pioneer  of  that  priestly  reformation  which  ultimately 
revolutionized  the  character  of  Palestinian  Judaism. 
The  question  of  the  attitude  of  the  community  toward 
the  lieathen  and  the  half-heathen  peoples,  who  pressed 
it  closely  on  every  side,  was  so  vital  and  insistent  that 
he  could  not  ignore  it.  Already  the  little  Judean  state 
was  divided  over  it  into  two  bitterly  contending  parties. 
The  ruling  party,  the  i^ich,  the  nobles,  and  the  priestly 
aristocracy,  as  we  have  seen  (sect.  153),  advocated 
alliances  and  intermarriage  with  their  heathen  neigh- 
bors, and  consequently  extended  to  them  the  cour- 
tesies of  the  temple  (Neh.  xiii.  4,  5),  thereby  virtually 
acknowledging  the  equality  of  the  heathen  religions 
with  that  of  Jehovah.  The  danger  of  this  position 
is  obvious.  If  the  unique  revelation  vouchsafed  to 
the  Jews  was  to  be  transmitted  to  mankind,  it  must 
be  by  members  of  the  Jewish  race.  The  temple  and 
those  who  rallied  about  it  were  the  keystone  which 
preserved  the  integrity  of  the  scattered  people.  Under 
the  Persian  rule,  political  distinctions  meant  little ; 
the  influences  which  kept  intact  the  Judean  commu- 
nity were  those  of  common  blood-kinship  and  of  re- 
ligion.    If  the  former  was  weakened  by  intermarriage 


186     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

with  foreigners,  and  the  latter  by  the  further  intro- 
duction of  heathen  ideas  and  customs,  the  absorption 
of  the  weak  group  of  Jews  by  the  stronger  and  more 
ao-Q^ressive  communities  about  them  was  inevitable. 
Certainly  the  religious  life  of  the  Palestinian  commu- 
nity was  at  too  low  an  ebb  to  survive  the  assimilation 
of  many  more  heathen  elements. 

175.  Only  a  few  enlightened  men  in  Judah,  the 
sturdy  Puritans,  appreciated  the  danger.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  who  were  subject  to 
the  temptation,  did  not  realize  its  real  significance 
nearly  as  clearly  as  did  those  of  the  dispersion.  The 
constant  horror  of  being  absorbed  into  the  great 
heathen  world,  in  the  midst  of  which  they  found  them- 
selves, led  the  latter  to  guard  most  jealously  the  purity 
of  their  blood  and  their  religion.  The  peril  was  too 
great  to  admit  of  a  broad  tolerance  toward  all  mankind  ; 
therefore  they  devoted  their  energies  to  building  about 
themselves  a  wall  which  would  not  only  keep  the  Gen- 
tile out,  but  would  also  keep  the  Jew  true  to  his  race 
and  his  religion.  Unattractive  as  was  that  high  wall 
of  separation,  it  undoubtedly  saved  Judaism  from  the 
mighty  assaults  of  heathenism  which  were  directed 
against  it  during  the  next  four  centuries.  Like  the 
great  structures  of  the  past,  it  was  the  work  of  many 
hands,  and  grew  slowly  through  the  ages. 

176.  Nehemiah's  memoirs  indicate  the  prominent 
part  which  he  took  in  building  this,  as  well  as  the  wall 
of  stone,  which  was  required  before  exclusive  measures 
could  be  instituted.  It  is  suggestive  that  there  is  no 
evidence  that,  during  the  first  period  of  his  governor- 
ship, he  directly  opposed  the  practice  of  intermarrying, 
and  of  making  alliance  with  the  heathen  people,  which 


ATTITUDE   TOWARD   HEATHEN   MARKIAGES      187 

bad  become  so  common  in  Judah.  Tbey  were  dis- 
tasteful to  bim  simply  because  they  weakened  the 
loyalty  of  the  nobles  and  priests,  who  were  the  chief 
culprits.  If  he  had  at  first  openly  declared  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  principle  of  foreign  marriages,  the  friends 
of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  would  not  have  dared  per- 
sistently to  speak  to  him  of  the  good  deeds  of  this 
heathen  prince.  Their  aim  Avas  clearly  not  to  over- 
rule the  principles  of  the  wise  governor,  but  to  re- 
move the  personal  antipathy  which  he  felt  toward 
a  treacherous  enemy  (Neh.  vi.  17-19).  Twelve  years 
later,  however,  when  Nehemiah  again,  in  532  B.  c, 
returned  to  Jerusalem,  his  attitude  toward  foreign 
marriages  was  entirely  different.  He  recognized  more 
clearly  than  before  the  dangers  of  the  practice,  and 
the  twelve  years  spent  in  contact  with  the  stricter 
Jews  of  the  East  had  crystallized  his  principles.  The 
only  events  which  he  records  in  connection  with  his 
second  sojourn  in  Judah,  are  the  measures  which  he 
instituted  with  the  aim  of  purifying  the  external  re- 
ligious life  of  the  community.  To  his  horror,  he  found 
that  a  large  room,  connected  with  the  temple,  in  which 
consecrated  offerings  and  sacred  vessels  had  formerly 
been  stored,  had  been  set  aside  by  Eliashib  the  chief 
priest  for  the  use  of  Tobiah  the  Ammonite,  his  rela- 
tive by  marriage.  Indignantly  the  zealous  governor 
threw  out  the  possessions  of  the  heathen  prince. 
After  the  room  had  been  cleansed,  he  caused  the 
vessels  and  offerings  to  be  restored  to  their  place 
(Neh.  xiii.  4-9). 

177.  He  also  discovered,  during  this  visit  or  later, 
that  many  of  the  Jews  (especially  those  living  in  the 
southwestern  towns   of  Judah)   had  taken   as   wives 


188     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

women  of  Aslidod,  Ammon,  and  Moab.  The  children 
who  were  born  as  the  fruit  of  these  mixed  marriages 
naturally  spoke  a  mixed  dialect.  This  fact  impressed 
upon  Nehemiah's  mind  most  forcibly  the  dangers  of 
the  practice.  His  usual  energy  and  righteous  anger 
found  immediate  expression.  Personally  he  went  to 
work  to  remove  the  evil.  By  expressive  word  and 
blow,  after  the  manner  of  Orientals,  he  assailed  the 
offenders,  and  made  them  swear  by  Jehovah  that  they 
would  not  allow  their  children  to  intermarry  with 
foreigners.  To  impress  upon  them  the  danger  of  their 
course,  he  appealed  to  no  law,  but  to  the  well-known 
disastrous  effects  of  such  acts  upon  the  character  of  the 
great  King  Solomon.  Nehemiah  refused  absolutely  to 
listen  to  the  defence  of  those  who  favored  foreign  mar- 
riages, and  openly  declared  that  it  was  a  sin  against  God 
(xiii.  23-27).  Undoubtedly,  many  and  specious  argu- 
ments were  urged  by  the  advocates  of  this  lax  practice. 
The  story  of  Ruth  the  Moabitess,  the  ancestress  of 
their  illustrious  King  David,  contained  one  of  the 
many  prominent  precedents  to  which  they  were  able  to 
appeal.  They  also  could  point  triumpliantly  to  the 
example  of  their  present  rulers  and  priests. 

178.  Having  put  his  hands  to  the  plough,  it  was  not 
Nehemiah's  wont  to  turn  back.  The  influence  and 
position  of  some  of  the  offenders  did  not  daunt  him. 
He  did  not  hesitate  to  expel  in  time  even  the  grandson 
of  tlie  high  priest  Eliashib  from  Jerusalem,  because 
he  had  married  the  daughter  of  Sanballat  (xiii.  28). 
Such  a  sweeping  revolution  as  this  represented,  could 
not  be  permanently  effected  in  a  day,  so  that  it  is  not 
surprising  that  to  other  hands  was  left  the  completion 
of  the  work ;  but  only  one  man   of   this  period   was 


REFORMS  IN  SABBATH  OBSERVANCE      189 

strong  enough  to  institute  it,  and  that  was  Nehemiah. 
It  is  fortunate  that  the  chronicler,  whose  natural  ten- 
dency was  to  exalt  the  priest  Ezra  at  the  expense  of 
the  equally  devout  laymen,  lias  preserved  in  his  incom- 
plete citations  the  record  of  this  fact.  The  oath  of  the 
people  at  the  Great  Assembly,  recorded  in  Nehemiah 
X.,  was  an  almost  verbal  reiteration  of  the  one  which 
they  had  made  to  Nehemiah  (compare  x.  30  and 
xiii.   25^), 

179.  By  other  forcible  acts  tliis  energetic  pioneer  of 
reform  enforced  in  Judah  the  higher  ideals  of  the  Jews 
of  the  dispersion,  and  in  so  doing  established  precedents 
which  became  the  basis  of  the  great  reformation.  In 
Judah  the  institution  of  the  Sabbath,  which  was  so 
highly  esteemed  by  the  Jews  of  the  exile  (compare 
sect.  36),  was  laxly  observed.  In  certain  parts  of  the 
country  the  governor  found  the  people  doing  their  ordi- 
nary agricultural  work  on  that  day  ;  the  peasants  also 
brought  wine,  grapes,  figs,  and  different  kinds  of  mer- 
chandise to  Jerusalem.  Traders  from  Tyre  came  with 
fish  and  other  provisions  on  the  Sabbath,  that  they 
might  find  a  ready  market  for  their  goods,  when  the 
people  were  at  leisure  to  buy.  Nehemiah  first  repri- 
manded the  rulers  of  Judah  for  allowing  a  state  of 
affairs  to  continue  which  had  brought  divine  vengeance 
upon  their  nation  in  the  past,  and  whicli  would  again 
incur  the  displeasure  of  Jehovah.  Having  preached  to 
them  as  a  prophet,  he  gave  command,  as  governor,  that 
the  gates  be  closed,  as  the  evening  of  the  Sabbath 
approached,  and  that  they  should  not  be  opened  until 
the  day  was  past.  Not  trusting  the  local  authorities, 
he  sent  some  of  his  servants  to  see  that  no  merchants 
were  admitted  into  the  citv  on  that  dav.     When  cer- 


190     THE   PEE  SI  AN  PEEKJD   OF  JE\YISH   HISTORY 

tain  hucksters  came  repeatedly  and  stayed  during  the 
night  of  the  Sahbath  just  outside  the  walls,  tlie  gov- 
ernor himself  warned  them  away  so  effectually  that 
they  never  came  again.  To  insure  the  permanence  of 
his  reform,  he  commanded  certain  Levites  to  })repare 
themselves  and  go  regularly  to  the  gates,  and  prevent 
anything  from  entering  to  destroy  the  sanctity  of  the 
Sabbath  (Neh.  xiii.  15-22).  By  these  enactments 
Nehemiah  encircled  the  sacred  city  with  another  high 
wall,  separating  it  from  the  heathen  world  without. 
The  second  obligation  assumed  by  the  people  at  the 
Great  Assembly :  "  If  the  peoples  of  the  land  bring 
merchandise,  or  any  provisions  on  the  Sabbath  day  to 
sell,  we  will  not  buy  of  them  on  the  Sabbath  or  on  a 
holy  day"  (Neh.  x.  31),  was  a  formal  acceptance  of  the 
principle  enforced  by  him. 

180.  Nehemiah  also  gave  his  personal  attention  to 
purifying  the  services  of  the  temple,  and  to  rectifying 
those  abuses  which  had  brought  the  sanctuary  into 
such  ill  repute  (see  sect.  151).  He  found  that  the 
Levites  did  not  receive  their  appointed  portions,  so 
that  they  and  the  singers  liad  been  obliged  to  leave 
the  temple  in  order  to  support  themselves  by  tilling 
the  soil.  After  denouncing  the  representatives  of  the 
people  for  allowing  the  service  of  the  sanctuary  to  be 
thus  neglected,  he  summoned  all  the  Levites.  At  his 
command  the  people  ])rought  in  the  tithe  of  their  corn 
and  wine  and  oil  to  the  place  where  they  were  stored. 
To  secure  their  fair  distribution,  Nehemiah  appointed 
four  treasurers  to  take  charge  of  thejii.  Shelemiah, 
who  was  probably  the  father  of  the  Hananiah  who 
assisted  in  building  the  walls  (iii.  30),  represented  the 
priests.     The  second  member  was  Zadok  the   scribe. 


REFORMS   IN  THE   TEMPLE   ORGANIZATION       191 

probably  a  priest  (compare  Neh.  iii.  29 ;  vii.  40),  who 
belonged  to  that  body  of  literati  destined  soon  to 
become  the  most  influential  class  in  Jewish  circles. 
Pediah  seems  to  have  represented  the  Levites  proper, 
and  Hanun,  who,  according  to  the  chronicler,  was  one 
of  the  sons  of  Asaph  (Neh,  xi.  17  ;  xii.  35),  represented 
the  singers.  U[)on  these  reliable  men,  Nehemiah  laid 
the  responsibility  of  distributing  equably  to  their  breth- 
ren the  tithes  which  were  brought  for  them. 

181.  This  new  regulation  marked  an  important  de- 
parture from  the  prevailing  laws,  the  defects  of  which 
it  was  intended  to  remedy.  Deuteronomy  enacted  that 
the  people,  taking  the  tithe  of  their  corn  and  wine  and 
oil,  should  come  up  to  the  temple  and  use  it  to  pro- 
vide a  great  feast,  of  v/hich  they  and  their  households 
should  partake.  Generous  charity  to  the  poor  Levite, 
especially  every  third  year,  was  enjoined,  but  the 
amount  of  the  gift  depended  entirely  upon  the  liber- 
ality of  the  donor,  and  no  provisions  were  made  for 
the  equal  distribution  of  what  was  thus  given  (xiv. 
22-28 ;  xxvi.  12-15).  Nehemiah's  plan  recognized 
the  need  of  better  regulations,  but  did  not  anticipate 
the  enactments  of  the  Priestly  Code,  which  became  the 
basis  of  the  law  adopted  by  the  Great  Assembly.  Ac- 
cordino'  to  the  later  svstem,  the  tithes  were  collected 
by  the  Levites  and  brought  to  the  temple ;  then  a  tithe 
of  the  tithes  was  handed  over  by  them  to  the  priests, 
"  the  sons  of  Aaron  "  (Neh.  x.  37-39 ;  Num.  xviii.  24- 
28).  Nehemiah  further  adds,  in  the  closing  extract 
from  his  memoir,  that  he  laid  down  specific  rules  re- 
specting the  distribution  of  the  work  of  the  priests  and 
of  the  Levites.  He  also  appointed  certain  times  when 
the  wood-offerings   for   the   altar  and   the  first  fruits 


192     THE   PEESIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

should  be  brought  into  the  temple.  Unfortunatelv,  he 
gives  no  details,  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  these 
much-needed  regulations  were  the  basis  of  tlie  two 
corresponding  articles  in  the  covenant  recorded  in 
Nehemiah  x.  (verses  34,  35). 

182.  Thus  the  true  relation  of  Nehemiah's  work  to 
the  Great  Assembly  becomes  clear.  In  the  light  of 
tlie  facts  already  studied,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  cite 
further  evidence  to  show  that  the  formation  of  the 
true  "  Israel  "  ("  Israel "  being  the  term  employed  in 
the  later  times  to  postulate  the  claim  of  the  Jews  to  be 
(he  chosen  people  of  Jehovah),  and  the  acceptance 
of  the  solemn  covenant  by  the  congregation  did  not 
precede,  but  followed  the  reforms  of  Nehemiah.  On 
the  hypothesis  that  the  Great  Assembly  preceded  532 
B.  c,  Nehemiah's  absolute  silence  respecting  it  is,  to 
say  the  least,  inexplicable.  He  knows  nothing  of  the 
true  "  Israel "  in  Palestine,  which  was  created  by  the 
fusion  of  the  faithful  who  returned  from  the  disper- 
sion and  those  who  separated  themselves  from  the 
people  of  the  land  and  subscribed  to  the  new  Priestly 
Law.  If  the  Great  Assembly  preceded  the  events  re- 
corded in  Nehemiah  xiii.,  Nehemiah's  regulations,  and 
especially  those  respecting  the  distribution  of  the  tithes 
to  the  Levites,  were  entirely  unnecessary  and  even 
reactionary  ;  or  else  the  priestly  reformation,  usually 
associated  with  the  names  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and 
dated  about  445  b.  c,  had  proved  a  practical  failure, 
a  conclusion  which  is  absolutely  disproved  by  the  char- 
acter of  later  Judaism.  On  the  other  hand,  as  has 
been  noted  repeatedlj^  Nehemiah's  acts  all  give  the 
impression  of  being  pioneer  reform  measures,  consti- 
tuting a  most  natural  and  necessary  prelude  to  the 


HISTORICAL  IMPORTANCE  OF  NEHEMIAH'S  WORK    193 

action  of  the  Great  Assembly.  It  is  a  striking  fact 
that  all  but  one  of  the  articles  subscribed  to  by  that 
body,  according  to  the  record  (Neh.  x.),  are  suggested 
by  Nehemiah's  reforms. 

183.  Our  study  of  the  character  of  the  Judean  com- 
munity has  demonstrated  conclusively  tliat  the  chief 
impetus  to  reform  must  come  from  without.  That 
it  did  actually  come  from  the  Jews  of  the  East  is  con- 
firmed by  all  the  traditions  relating  to  the  subject.  In 
the  light  of  conditions  in  Judah  before  the  advent  of 
Nehemiah,  however,  it  is  impossible  to  believe  that  all 
that  was  necessary  to  influence  the  Jews  of  Palestine 
to  give  up  customs  and  religious  practices  cherished 
for  centuries,  to  reform  fundamentally  their  social  and 
religious  practices,  to  expel  from  their  homes  many 
beloved  wives  and  children,  and  to  subscribe  almost 
unanimously  to  a  new  code,  was  that  a  deputation  of 
Jews  from  the  East  visit  them  with  the  new  law  in 
their  hands,  read  it  in  their  presence,  and  then  forth-^ 
with  convene  a  Great  Assembly  for  the  purpose  of 
promulgating  it.  The  herculean  task  was  one  which 
required,  not  a  week,  but  years  to  accomplish.  It 
called  for  the  consecrated  service,  not  of  one  man,  but 
of  many.  There  is  abundant  evidence  that  there  were 
many  faithful  prophets  and  priests  within  and  without 
the  community  who  joined  in  the  work  (compare  Isa. 
Ivi.  to  Ixii.  and  Mai.  i.-ii.)  ;  but  the  one  who  alone 
possessed  at  the  same  time  the  authority,  the  pres- 
tige, the  energy,  the  tact,  and  the  devotion,  was  the 
illustrious  layman,  Nehemiah.  Without  his  important 
services,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  the  great  trans- 
formation could  have  been  accomplished.  The  tradi- 
tion, preserved  in  the  second  Book  of  Maccabees  (i. 

13 


194    THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

18-36),  that  he,  and  not  Ezra,  restored  the  true  ser- 
vice of  the  temple,  is  not  without  foundation.  It  is 
significant  that,  with  the  one  exception  of  the  tradi- 
tion preserved  by  the  chronicler,  in  the  writings  of  the 
next  two  or  three  centuries  the  name  of  Nehemiah  is 
immortalized,  while  that  of  Ezra  is  ignored.  To  the 
pioneer  who  conquers  the  soil,  more  than  to  the  one 
who  reaps  the  fruit,  is  rightly  due  the  higher  honor. 
When  Nehemiah  had  completed  his  many  sided  work, 
the  Judean  community  was  for  the  first  time  in  its 
history  ready  to  give  heed  to  the  law  book  which  Ezra 
and  the  consecrated  Jews  of  the  dispersion  brought 
in  their  hands. 


IX 

THE    DATE   AMD   CHARACTER    OF    EZRA's   EXPEDITION 

184.  Radical  reform  measures  always  call  for  the 
formation  of  new  laws,  so  as  to  insure  the  permanence 
of  the  new  order.  Thus  the  reformation  of  Josiah  in 
621  B.  c.  was  sealed  by  the  Book  of  the  Covenant,  pre- 
served in  our  present  Book  of  Deuteronomy.  If  the 
principles  which  guided  the  actors  in  that  important 
movement  had  not  been  put  into  the  form  of  written 
laws,  they  certainly  would  not  have  continued  to  in- 
fluence the  Jewish  race  as  powerfully  as  they  did,  long 
after  the  exile  had  loosed  all  the  moorings  which 
bound  it  to  its  past.  Similarly,  Nehemiah's  revolu- 
tionizing measures  not  only  prepared  the  way  for  a  new 
and  revised  code,  but  also  made  it  absolutely  necessary. 
While  hitherto  the  Jews  in  Judah  had  contented  them- 
selves with  the  Deuteronomic  law,  new  conditions,  new 
experiences,  and  new  revelations  had  led  the  Jews 
of  the  dispersion,  like  Ezekiel,  freely  to  revise  and 
extend  the  old  system,  so  that  a  new,  in  the  sense  of 
an  expanded,  law  was  gradually  taking  form.  How 
far  Nehemiah  was  influenced  in  his  reform  work  by 
a  familiarity  with  the  laws  already  formulated  by  the 
Jews  in  the  East,  and  how  far  in  turn  the  precedents 
which  he  established,  became  the  basis  of  the  laws 
themselves,  are  questions  which  can  never  be  answered 


196    THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

with  certainty.  We  do  know  that  his  attitude  towards 
the  conditions  in  Judah  changed  most  radically  during 
the  decade  spent  in  the  East  after  his  first  visit  to 
Jerusalem  (compare  sect.  176).  On  the  other  hand, 
most  of  his  reforms  were  such  as  would  be  suggested 
to  a  fertile  and  devout  mind  by  the  conditions  them- 
selves. Evidently  he  was  not  attempting  to  introduce 
an  esoteric  system  devised  by  priests  who  were  igno- 
rant of  the  needs  with  which  they  were  dealing.  The 
Priestly  Code  itself  also  reveals  familiarity  with  con- 
ditions in  Judah,  as  well  as  with  the  Jews  in  the  dis- 
persion. The  most  natural  conclusion  to  be  drawn 
from  the  facts  is  that  Nehemiah  took  with  him  to 
Judah  at  least  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  and 
practices  obtaining  among  his  brethren  in  the  East ; 
and  that,  in  turn,  the  reforms  which  he  effected,  guided 
those  who  gave  the  final  form  to  the  system  of  laws 
which  was  gradually  being  developed. 

185.  Unfortunately,  the  sources  of  information  re- 
garding the  institution  of  the  new,  revised  code  are 
not  nearly  as  detailed  or  reliable  as  those  which  record 
the  building  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  The  tradition 
preserved  by  the  chronicler  associates  it  with  the  names 
of  both  Nehemiah  and  Ezra.  As  we  have  seen,  the 
extracts  in  Ezra  vii.  to  x.  originally  formed  part  of  tlie 
same  narrative  which  is  contained  in  Nehemiah  vii.  70 
to  X.  39,  and  their  separation,  and  the  assignment  of 
Ezra's  expedition  to  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes, 
apparently  represent  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 
chronicler  to  give  Ezra,  the  priest  and  scribe,  the  pre- 
cedence before  Nehemiah,  the  layman  (sect.  96),  and 
possibly  also  to  convey  the  impression  that  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  were  built  largely  by  the  hands  of  re- 


EVIDENCE  THAT  EZRA  FOLLOWED  NEHEMIAH     197 

turned  exiles,  or  else  they  are  due  to  a  later  disarrange- 
ment of  the  text.  In  the  light  of  the  conditions  in 
Judah  before  the  building  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
by  Nehemiah,  and  before  his  reforms  begun  in  432  B.  c, 
the  expedition  of  Ezra  recorded  in  Ezra  vii.  to  x.  was 
not  only  highly  improbable  but  practically  impossible. 
Even  those  who  continue  to  assign  it  to  the  year 
458  B.  c.  are  obliged  to  adduce  the  hypothesis  that  it 
was  a  complete  failure,  although  the  narrative  itself 
states  that  it  was  the  opposite.  The  entire  absence 
of  the  slightest  references  in  Nehemiah's  memoirs, 
where  they  would  surely  be  expected,  to  the  expedi- 
tion, and  to  the  strenuous  reform  measures  of  Ezra, 
can  be  explained  only  on  the  hypothesis  that  they 
were  later  than  432  b.  c.  Not  one  of  the  prominent 
men  who  returned  with  Ezra  (Ezra  viii.)  is  mentioned 
by  Nehemiah,  although,  if  they  were  already  in  Jeru- 
salem, they  would  naturally  have  been  his  most  ardent 
supporters.  After  the  institution  of  Ezra's  exclusive 
measures,  which  were  accepted  almost  unanimously 
by  the  community  (Ezra  ix. ;  x.),  the  practice  of  inter- 
marrying with  foreigners,  which  continued  unrestricted 
until  Nehemiah  opposed  it  during  his  second  visit  to 
Jerusalem,  is  also  inexplicable. 

186.  On  the  other  hand,  the  evidence  that  Ezra's  ex- 
pedition took  place  at  a  period  subsequent  to  432  b.  c.  is 
cumulative  and  reasonably  conclusive.  In  Ezra's  prayer 
(Ezra  ix.  9),  he  gives  thanks  that  the  wall  of  Jerusalem 
has  been  rebuilt  and  Judah's  defences  restored.  He 
found  the  sacred  city  not  depopulated,  as  Nehemiah 
found  it  in  445  b.  c,  but  strong  and  blessed  with  many 
inhabitants.  His  surprise  and  horror  that  the  people 
had  not  yet  completely  separated  themselves  from  the 


198     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEAYISH   HISTORY 

foreign  population  presupposes  Nebemiah's  exclusive 
measures  (Ezra  ix.  1-3).  The  man  who  rebuilt  their 
fallen  walls,  for  the  first  time  since  the  beginning  of 
the  exile,  brought  the  Jews  of  Palestine  into  close 
and  sympathetic  touch  with  those  of  the  dispersion, 
and  paved  the  way  for  an  expedition  such  as  that  led 
by  Ezra.  Nebemiah's  Avork  in  fortifying  their  ruined 
capital,  and  again  establishing  their  prestige,  also  for 
the  first  time,  aroused  in  the  hearts  of  the  poor  Pales- 
tinian Jews  a  feeling  of  deep  gratitude  toward  their 
brothers  in  the  East.  His  reforms  likewise  prepared 
them  for  still  more  sweeping  ones  emanathig  from  the 
same  source.  His  work  in  turn  aroused  the  interest 
of  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion  in  their  kindred  in 
Judah.  When  Jerusalem  was  encircled  by  walls,  it 
again  became,  for  the  first  time  since  586  b.  c,  a 
safe  and  attractive  abode  for  its  returning  sons 
and  daughters.  The  reforms  which  he  introduced  into 
the  rude,  shiftless,  half-heathen  community  in  Judah 
promised,  if  enforced,  to  convert  it  into  a  body  with 
which  the  more  cultured  and  devout  Jews  of  the 
East  could  live  in  harmony.  Judah  presented  at  last 
an  inviting  missionary  field,  which  appealed  —  when 
in  time  the  real  conditions  became  generally  known  — 
to  the  religious  zeal,  as  well  as  to  the  patriotism,  of  the 
more  favored  Jews  beyond  its  limits.  The  desire  to 
re-establish  the  true  Israel  in  the  ancient  territory, 
and  about  the  sacred  temple,  grew  so  strong  that  it 
impelled  many  during  the  next  half  century  to  turn 
their  faces  toward  Jerusalem,  that  by  their  presence, 
as  well  as  their  influence,  they  might  support  the  cause 
of  pure  religion.  Also  during  the  earlier  part  of  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  L,  the  satrap  Megabyzus  was  the 


DATE   OF  EZRA'S  EXPEDITION  199 

real  ruler  of  Syria,  and  the  province  was  regarded  with 
great  suspicion  by  the  king  (sect,  144) ;  but,  thanks  to 
the  diplomacy  of  Nehemiah,  the  attitude  of  the  court 
at  Susa  toward  the  Jews  had  now  changed.  The  mani- 
fest weakness  and  corruption  of  the  great  Persian  empire 
also  inspired  many  of  them  with  the  hope  that  in  the 
time  of  its  approaching  dissolution  the  little  Judean 
state  might  again  attain  to  independence,  if  not  to 
world-power  (see  Isa.  xxiv.  to  xxvii.). 

187.  One  of  the  first,  largest,  and  most  zealous  of 
these  bands  of  returning  exiles  was  led  by  Ezra.  The 
exact  date  of  his  expedition,  and  of  the  Great  Assembly 
which  followed  in  the  next  year,  cannot  be  determined 
with  certainty  from  the  material  at  our  command.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  the  statement  of  the  chron- 
icler in  Ezra  vii.  8,  that  Ezra  made  his  expedition  in 
the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes,  is  due  to  his  desire  to 
date  Ezra  before  Nehemiah.  Others  maintain  that  it  is 
simply  a  mistake  commonly  made  by  copyists,  and  that 
"  thirty  "  has  dropped  out,  so  that  it  originally  read 
"  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  king,"  or  427  B.  c.  It 
has  also  been  strongly  urged  by  a  conservative  Dutch 
scholar  (Yan  Hoonacker,  JSfouvelles  Etudes  sur  la 
Restauration  Juive^  270-277),  tliat  the  reigning  Ar- 
taxerxes was  the  second  Persian  ruler  bearing  that 
name,  and  that  therefore  "  the  seventh  year  of  the 
king "  was  898  B.  c.  Since  the  chronicler  and  the 
Jewish  writers  of  the  Greek  period  were  ignorant  even 
of  the  order  of  the  Persian  monarchs  (see  Ezra  iv. ; 
Dan.  V.  31 ;  ix.  1 ;  x.  1),  it  was  most  natural  that  they 
should  be  unable  to  distinguish  between  different  rulers 
of  the  same  name. 

188.  The  internal  evidence  which  must  determine 


200     THE   PEESIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  choice  between  these  three  possible  hypotheses,  is 
unfortunately  not  very  definite.  If  the  "  Jeholianan 
the  son  of  Eliashib  "  to  whose  room  in  the  temple  Ezra 
retired  after  addressing  the  people  (Ezra  x.  6)  was  the 
grandson  of  Eliashib,  who  w^as  high  priest  in  445  and 
432  B.  c.  (compare  Neh.  xii.  22,  23),  and  if,  as  is  less 
certain,  Jehohanan  (or  Johanan)  was  high  priest  when 
Ezra  visited  Jerusalem,  the  latest  date  (398  b.  c.)  is 
practically  established.  Furthermore,  if  the  four  treas- 
urers (two  priests  and  two  Levites),  to  whom  Ezra 
and  his  followers  delivered  the  contributions  which 
they  bought  for  the  temple,  occupied  the  offices  created 
by  Nehemiah  in  432  b.  c.  (sect.  180),  the  reference  would 
also  suggest  the  latest  date  for  the  expedition,  for  the 
men  originally  appointed  by  the  governor  had  all  been 
succeeded  by  others  (Ezra  viii.  33).  At  the  head  of  the 
commission,  however,  was  Meremoth,the  son  of  Uriah, 
who  was  especially  prominent  in  building  the  walls  in 
445  B.  c.  (Neh.  iii.  4,  21).  It  is  possible,  but  not 
probable,  that  he  continued  to  occupy  high  positions 
in  public  life  for  half  a  centmy  (398  b.  c),  so  that  his 
appearance  here  strongly  favors  an  earlier  date  than 
398  B.  c.  Similarly,  Malchijah  of  the  tribe  of  Harim 
(as  well  as  others  whose  identification  is  not  so  cer- 
tain), who  assisted  in  the  work  of  445  b.  c,  was  among 
those  who  covenanted  after  the  arrival  of  Ezra  to  put 
away  his  wife  (Ezra  x.  31 ;  Neh.  ni.  11).  The  lax 
practices  in  regard  to  foreign  marriages  which  aroused 
Ezra's  astonishment  and  indignation,  indicate  on  the 
other  hand  that  several  years  at  least  had  passed  since 
Nehemiah  instituted  his  first  vigorous  crusade  against 
the  more  culpable  offenders.  The  fact  alone  is  estab- 
lished that  some  time  during  the  latter  part  of  the  fifth 


SIGNIFICANCE   OF  EZRA'S  EXPEDITION  201 

or  in  the  opening  years  of  the  fourth  century  B.  c. 
(between  430  and  397),  probably  in  397,  the  new  code 
was  instituted  in  Judah  which  gave  the  community 
the  distinctive  character  which  it  bore  in  later  times. 

189.  In  the  light  of  the  preceding  studies,  it  is  pos- 
sible to  appreciate  the  real  significance  of  the  expedi- 
tion led  by  Ezra.  It  was  the  culmination  of  centuries 
of  development.  It  represented  the  supreme  contri- 
bution of  the  Jews  of  the  East  to  their  kinsmen  in 
Palestine.  Its  aim  was  completely  to  bridge  the  gulf 
which  hitherto  had  yawned  between  them,  and  to  real- 
ize on  the  sacred  soil  of  Judah  the  ideals  of  their 
earlier  prophets  and  of  their  later  priests.  Its  program 
was  a  law  expressive  of  the  ritualistic  tendency  of  the 
age,  and  adapted  to  the  new  circumstances  in  which 
the  Jewish  race  found  itself.  Its  leader  was  repre- 
sentative of  the  movement.  The  chronicler  traces  his 
genealogy  through  the  chief  Judean  priestly  family 
back  to  Aaron,  and  describes  him  as  "  a  ready  scribe 
in  the  law  of  Moses  which  the  Lord  the  God  of  Israel 
had  given."  During  the  earlier  days  of  the  Hebrew 
kingdom  the  "  scribe "  was  the  royal  secretary  or 
chancellor  of  state  (I.  123).  Before  the  exile,  how- 
ever, the  term  began  to  be  applied  to  those  who  devoted 
themselves  to  studying  and  editing  the  earlier  writings 
and  especially  the  law.  Jeremiah  complained  bitterly 
that  his  people  Avere  ignorant  of  the  will  of  Jehovah, 
because  "  the  false  pen  of  the  scribes  had  made  of  it 
falsehood"  (viii.  7,  8).  Amidst  the  peculiar  condi- 
tions and  needs  of  the  dispersion,  the  priests,  having 
no  temple  for  which  to  care,  became  ministers  of  the 
law,  carefully  studying,  arranging,  and  interpreting  it. 
Their  pent-up  energies  found  expression  in  the   zeal 


202     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

with  which  they  guarded  it,  and  insisted  that  all  their 
race  should  faithfully  observe  its  injunctions.  It  was 
to  them  the  final  and  complete  expression  of  the  divine 
will.  To  refuse  to  obey  it  was  to  defy  Jehovah  him- 
self. So  many  of  the  roots  of  the  law  were  found  in 
the  dim  past,  and  so  imperceptibly  had  the  great  struc- 
ture grown,  that  the  traditions  which  assigned  it  as  a 
whole  to  the  earliest  days  of  their  national  history  and 
to  Moses,  the  greatest  personality  of  that  period,  were 
accepted  unquestioningly.  Hence  it  enjoyed  the  sanc- 
tion, not  only  of  Jehovah,  but  of  the  hallowed  past, 
whose  authority  was  recognized  in  this  later  age  as 
almost  divine.  To  men  like  Ezra,  the  knowledge  tliat 
the  services  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  were  not  con- 
ducted  in  accordance  with  "  the  sacred  law  of  Moses," 
and  that  Jehovah's  holy  shrine  was  constantly  polluted 
by  the  presence  of  priests  and  laymen  who  were  un- 
clean according  to  the  Priestly  Code,  was  intolerable. 

190.  Since  the  aim  of  Ezra's  expedition  was  not  politi- 
cal, but  religious,  it  was  not  difficidt  to  secure  royal  per- 
mission to  return  to  Jerusalem  (Ezra  vii.  27,  28).  The 
potent  influence  of  the  loyal  and  sympathetic  Nehemiah 
may  have  secured  certain  special  concessions,  as  is 
suggested  by  the  version  of  the  royal  decree  preserved 
in  Ezra  vii.  11-26.  There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that 
in  his  reform  work  Ezra  appealed  to  any  other  authority 
than  that  of  the  law  which  he  bore  in  his  hand.  The 
leader  himself  came  from  the  province  of  Babylon,  the 
original  centre  of  Judaism  in  the  East ;  but  the  names 
borne  by  the  different  groups  of  Jews  which  followed 
him  indicate  that  they  were  enlisted  widely  from  the 
different  lands  of  the  dispersion.  In  view  of  the  sec- 
ondary position  which  was  assigned  to  the  Levites  in 


HISTORY  OF  EZRA'S  EXPEDITION  203 

the  Priestly  Code,  it  is  not  strange  that  none  at  first 
rallied  to  his  standard.  Moreover,  the  priests  of  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem,  not  those  of  the  ancient  high 
places,  were  carried  to  Babylon  by  Nebuchadrezzar,  so 
tliat  there  were  probably  few  Levites  in  the  East. 
Only  thirty-eight  could  finally  be  found  to  return.  In 
all,  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  representing  six  or 
seven  thousand  souls,  joined  Ezra  at  the  assembling 
place  beside  the  river  Ahava,  probably  one  of  the  small 
streams  or  canals  flowing  into  the  Euphrates  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  miles  northwest  of  Babylon. 
The  great  majority  of  the  Jews  who  could  not  them- 
selves return  shared  in  the  restoration  of  "  Israel "  to 
Palestine  by  contributing  rich  presents  to  the  temple. 
According  to  the  Ezra  narrative,  the  gifts  of  the 
Persian  king  and  his  court,  together  with  those  of  the 
Jews,  amounted  to  six  hundred  and  fifty  talents  of 
silver,  a  hundred  of  gold,  and  a  thousand  darics,  besides 
many  large  vessels  of  gold  and  silver.  Since  the  value 
of  the  contributions  aggregates  over  four  million  dollars, 
these  numbers,  like  many  handed  down  by  the  chroni- 
cler (compare  especially  those  in  the  Books  of  Chronicles 
with  the  corresponding  ones  in  the  Books  of  Kings),  may 
have  grown  in  transmission. 

191.  When  the  returning  patriots  had  fasted,  after 
the  custom  of  the  faithful  Jews  of  the  dispersion,  and 
besought  Jehovah's  protecting  care,  they  set  out  about 
the  first  of  April  on  their  long  wearisome  march. 
Since  the  journey  was  made  during  the  heat  of  summer, 
it  was  necessary  to  make  an  extensive  detour  to  the- 
north  to  avoid  the  Arabian  desert,  and  to  travel  very 
slowly,  so  that  four  months  and  a  half  were  required  to 
traverse  the  eight  or  nine  hundred  miles.     Jerusalem 


204     THE   PEESIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

was  reached  in  August,  and,  after  a  rest  of  three  days, 
the  rich  gifts,  which  during  the  journey  had  been 
intrusted  to  a  commission  of  prominent  priests  and 
Levites,  were  formally  turned  over  to  the  treasurers  of 
the  temple.  The  returned  exiles  also  presented  appro- 
priate offerings  to  Jehovah  in  behalf  of  "  all  Israel," 
which  they  had  come  back  to  restore ;  for  their  first 
task  was  to  establish  the  services  of  the  temple  on  a 
basis  in  keeping  with  its  dignity  as  the  central  shrine 
of  the  nation,  and  in  harmony  with  the  more  elaborate 
demands  of  the  Priestly  Law,  which  they  recognized. 
In  addition  to  the  valuable  gifts  which  the  returning 
Jews  brought  with  them,  Nehemiah,  as  the  representa- 
tive of  the  Persian  government  (Neh.  vii.  70;  viii.  9), 
contributed  for  this  purpose  a  thousand  golden  darics, 
fifty  vessels,  and  five  hundred  and  thirty  priests' 
garments.  Some  of  the  heads  of  the  tribes  in  the 
Judean  community,  emulating  his  example,  gave 
liberally  money,  gold,  and  silver.  Even  the  common 
people  caught  from  the  returned  pilgrims  the  spirit  of 
generosity  and  self-sacrifice  in  behalf  of  their  religion, 
and  swelled  the  endowment  fund  of  the  temple  by  their 
gifts  of  gold  and  silver  and  priests'  garments.  Their 
petty  jealousies  and  meannesses  were  forgotten,  as  they 
mingled  their  gifts  before  Jehovah's  altar.  The  sense 
of  common  blood,  of  common  religion,  and  of  common 
service  again  bound  together  the  Jews  of  Judah  and  of 
the  East,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  more  revolution- 
ary reform  work. 


THE    INSTITUTION    OF    THE    PRIESTLY    LAW 

192.  The  first  two  months  after  the  arrival  of  Ezra's 
expedition  at  Jerusalem  were  devoted  to  regulating 
the  service,  and  to  completing  necessary  repairs  on  the 
temple.  Quarters  were  also  assigned  to  the  priests,  the 
Levites,  and  the  minor  officials  of  the  sanctuary  who 
had  returned.  Many  of  them  found  homes  in  the 
towns  outside  Jerusalem  (Neh.  vii.  73).  The  laymen, 
with  their  families,  also  sought  suitable  places  in 
which  to  settle.  The  external  restoration  of  "  all 
Israel"  had  begun.  In  the  eyes  of  the  priestly 
reformers,  however,  everything  yet  remained  to  be 
done.  The  character  of  the  native  community  must 
be  radically  changed  before  a  complete  amalgamation 
could  be  effected.  Probably  these  first  two  months 
were  spent  in  studying  conditions  and  in  quiet  mis- 
sionary work  among  the  people.  The  burning  zeal  of 
the  six  or  seven  thousand  who  had  left  their  homes, 
and  had  come  to  Judah  as  the  apostles  of  "  the  law  of 
Moses,"  could  not  fail  to  communicate  its  leavening  in- 
fluence to  their  more  ignorant  and  apathetic  brethren. 

193.  On  the  feast  of  the  new  moon,  the  first  day  of 
the  seventh  month,  celebrated  ever  after  by  the  Jews 
as  the  feast  of  trumpets  or  day  of  holy  convocation 
(Lev.  xxiii.  23-25  ;  Num.  xxix.  1-6),  the  people  were 


206     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  land  to  the  open  space 
near  tlie  water  gate  on  the  eastern  side  of  Jerusalem. 
At  their  request,  Ezra  brought  "  the  book  of  the  law  of 
Moses."  Taking  his  place  on  a  wooden  pulpit  con- 
structed for  the  purpose,  and  liaving  given  thanks,  he 
publicly  read  the  law  to  them,  while  attendant  Levites 
explained  it.  When  the  native  Jews  understood  the 
content  of  the  new  law,  they  were  filled  with  dismay, 
and  gave  expression  to  their  feelings  in  cries  of  lamen- 
tation;  for  they  appreciated  in  part  what  sweeping 
changes  it  would  introduce  into  their  life,  and  how  con- 
trary to  it  were  their  present  practices.  Nehemiah 
appears  to  have  actively  co-operated  in  this  movement 
which  represented  the  culmination  of  his  earlier  work. 
If  we  had  his  complete  memoirs,  instead  of  an  extract 
from  a  priestly  narrative,  the  sympathies  of  which  are 
all  with  Ezra,  we  would  probably  find  that  he  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  great  reformation.  At  this 
critical  time,  both  he  and  Ezra  wisely  disarmed  the 
fears  of  the  people,  and  urged  them  to  observe  the  day 
as  they  were  wont,  with  feasting  and  by  sending  gifts 
to  the  needy  in  their  midst  (Deut.  xvi.  14). 

194.  On  the  second  day  the  leaders  of  the  com- 
munity and  their  priests  and  Levites  came  to  Ezra 
for  further  instruction  in  regard  to  the  details  of  the 
new  law.  Among  other  commands,  they  found  one 
which  enjoined  that  "  the  children  of  Israel  should 
dwell  in  booths  in  the  feast  of  tlie  seventli  month,  and 
that  they  should  pul)lish  and  proclaim  it  in  all  their 
cities  and  in  Jerusalem  "  (Nch.  viii.  14,  15).  The  pas- 
sage in  question  was  evidently  the  twenty -third  chapter 
of  Leviticus.  Following  out  its  injunctions,  the  Feast 
of  Tabernacles  was  faithfully  observed,  beginning  with 


INTERPRETATION  AND  APPLICATION  OF  THE  LAW    207 

the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month,  and  closing  with  the 
holy  convocation  on  the  twenty-second  (Lev.  xxiii. 
38-39  ;  Neh.  viii.  18).  Each  day  Ezra  improved  the 
favorable  opportunity  to  read  and  to  impress  upon  the 
people  the  commands  of  the  new  code ;  while  those 
who  had  returned  with  him  from  the  exile  set  an 
example  before  the  native  Jews  as  to  how  the  feast 
should  properly  be  observed  (Neh.  viii.  IT).  The  en- 
tire assembly  was  moved  by  a  deep  religious  en- 
thusiasm. During  those  eight  days  it  experienced  a 
genuine  revival.  The  self-sacrificing  missionary  zeal 
of  the  reformers  bore  fruit.  At  last  the  self-centred 
Jews  of  Palestine  were  also  ready  to  make  sacrifices. 

195.  When  the  preliminary  work  of  instruction  had 
been  completed,  and  the  conscience  of  the  community 
had  thus  been  aroused,  certain  of  the  leaders  of  the 
people  came  to  Ezra  and  confessed  that  many  of  the 
people,  and  even  some  of  their  priests  and  Levites,  had 
failed  to  hold  themselves  aloof,  as  the  new  law  en- 
joined, from  the  contaminating  influences  of  their 
heathen  neighbors,  "  the  people  of  the  land  "  (Ezra  ix. 
1).  Many  of  the  leading  men  in  Judah  had  committed 
the  sin,  against  which  Nehemiah  had  so  earnestly 
warned  them  (Neh.  xiii.  27),  and  had  married  heathen 
wives,  and  encouraged  their  sons  to  do  the  same. 
Nothing  was  more  calculated  to  arouse  the  horror  of 
a  zealous  Jew  of  the  dispersion,  like  Ezra,  than  dis- 
closures of  this  nature.  He  felt  that  the  whole  com- 
munity and  land  were  contaminated.  Recoo^nizino:  that 
the  evil  was  one  which  must  be  absolutely  eliminated, 
if  "the  true  Israel  was  to  be  established,"  he  opposed 
it  with  all  the  strength  of  his  intense  nature.  Unlike 
Nehemiah,  Ezra  did  not  have  the  authority  to   com- 


208     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

mand,  but  endeavored  to  appeal  to  the  conscience  of 
the  people.  His  prayers  and  exhortations  finally  so 
impressed  them  that  one  of  their  number  proposed 
that  they  all  solemnly  covenant  to  put  away  their 
foreign  wives  and  the  children  born  of  these  mar- 
riages. Assured  of  their  support,  Ezra  first  made  the 
priests  and  Levites  take  the  oath  of  separation.  Then 
the  nobles  and  elders  proclaimed  an  assembly  of  the 
entire  nation.  Forfeiture  of  property  and  excommuni- 
cation from  the  congregation  was  the  penalty  imposed 
for  non-appearance. 

196.  By  these  radical  methods,  a  general  represen- 
tation of  the  people  was  secured.  On  the  twentieth 
day  of  the  ninth  month  (January),  they  all  assembled 
in  the  open  space  before  the  temple.  To  Ezra's  de- 
mand that  they  separate  themselves,  and  thus  remove 
the  burden  of  guilt  which  rested  upon  them,  they 
acceded  ;  but  the  magnitude  of  the  sacrifice  involved, 
and  the  torrents  of  rain  which  deluged  them,  for  it 
was  the  middle  of  the  rainy  season,  dampened  their 
enthusiasm.  Since  the  measure  was  one  which  called 
for  careful  investigations,  and  demanded  time,  they 
proposed  that  all  who  had  married  foreign  wives  be 
required  to  come  up  to  Jerusalem  at  appointed  times, 
with  the  elders  and  judges  of  their  respective  towns, 
that  their  cases  might  be  carefully  considered.  The 
proposal  was  accepted,  and  Ezra  was  appointed  at  the 
head  of  a  commission  to  examine  and  superintend 
the  matter.  Beginning  on  the  first  day  of  the  tenth 
month  (late  in  January),  they  did  not  complete  their 
work  until  the  first  day  of  the  following  year  (March). 
Painful  as  must  have  been  the  details  of  the  execution 
of  this  measure,  which  ruthlessly  severed  family  ties, 


CALLING  THE   GREAT   ASSEMBLY  209 

it  is  probable  that  under  the  watcliful  direction  of  the 
stern  Ezra  it  was  faithfully  enforced.  One  hundred 
and  thirteen  men,  who  were  found  guilty,  and  who 
submitted  to  the  extreme  penalty,  are  mentioned  in 
the  list  given  in  Ezra  x. 

197.  When  this  preliminary  work  was  completed, 
and  not  before,  was  it  possible  publicly  to  institute 
the  new  Priestly  Law.  On  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
the  month  in  which  the  commission  concluded  its 
labors,  when  "  the  seed  of  Israel  had  separated  them- 
selves from  all  strangers  "  (Neh.  ix.  1,  2.),  Ezra  and 
his  fellow-reformers  were  permitted  to  behold  the 
fruits  of  their  year  of  unremitting  toil.  The  way  in 
which  the  new  law  was  introduced  was  characteristic 
of  the  age.  When  Nehemiah  wished  to  institute  some 
reform,  he  called  an  assembly  of  all  the  people,  and 
publicly  presented  the  matter  before  them,  and  ex- 
tracted a  solemn  oath  of  agreement  (Neh.  ii.  16-18 ; 
V.  7,  12,  13;  xiii.  25).  Similarly,  Ezra  repeatedly 
gathered  all  the  people  together  (Neh.  viii.  1 ;  Ezra 
X.  7-9, 12).  At  a  later  time,  when  Judah  was  threat- 
ened by  a  locust  plague,  the  first  thought  of  the 
prophet  Joel  was  to  call  a  solemn  assembly  (i.  14 ;  ii. 
15).  The  Jewish  state  was  so  small,  and  distances  so 
short,  that  it  was  not  a  difficult  matter  to  assemble  the 
entire  population.  Three  days  were  considered  by  the 
leaders  of  the  community  amply  sufficient  to  convene 
all  the  men  at  Jerusalem  (Ezra  x.  9.) 

198.  The  great  reformation  of  Josiah,  the  influence 
of  which  was  still  paramount  in  Judah,  undoubtedly 
established  a  precedent  which  guided  the  later 
reformers  (II.  Kings  xxiii.  1-3).  Since  the  power 
formerly  vested  in  the  monarchy  now  resided  in  the 

14 


210     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

congregation  of  the  people,  the  priestly  reformation 
was  necessarily  much  more  democratic  than  that  of 
621  B.  c,  and  probably  for  that  reason  was  more  per- 
manent. The  new  law  was  not  forced  upon  them  by 
royal  decree,  but  accepted  by  popular  vote.  The  Great 
Assembly  was  opened  by  the  reading  of  the  more  im- 
portant sections  of  the  law,  and  then  followed  by  a 
popular  confession  of  the  sins  of  the  community.  The 
character  of  the  service  was  closely  analogous  to  that 
of  the  ordinary  Jewish  synagogue.  This  fact  is  em- 
phasized by  the  tradition  of  the  "  Great  Synagogue," 
which  originally  was  the  later  Jewish  account  of  the 
Great  Assembly  (compare  Midrash  to  Ruth).  Accord- 
ing to  the  Septuagint  version,  the  long  prayer,  pre- 
served in  Nehemiah  ix.,  in  which  Jehovah's  care  and 
fidelity  toward  the  people  and  their  infidelity  and  sins 
are  reviewed,  was  delivered  by  Ezra.  It  fittingly  in- 
dicated the  relation  of  the  important  act  which  they 
were  about  to  perform  to  the  past  history  of  their 
race.  As  in  the  earlier  prayer  of  Ezra  (Ezra  ix.), 
the  conceptions  of  that  history,  and  the  point  of  view 
throughout,  are  those  of  the  new  priestly  legislation. 
After  the  preliminary  services  had  been  completed, 
Nehemiah,  tlie  nobles  and  the  representatives  of  the 
lay,  the  priestly  and  the  Levitical  clans  solemnly 
covenanted  to  accept  the  new  law,  and,  in  token  thereof, 
subscribed  their  names.  Then  the  assembly  as  a  whole, 
including  those  who  had  returned  with  Ezra,  and  all, 
whether  of  Jewish  descent  or  not,  "  who  had  separated 
themselves  from  the  peoples  of  the  land  unto  the  law 
of  God,"  together  with  their  families,  took  an  oath, 
sealed  by  a  curse  upon  the  one  who  proved  faithless 
to  it,  that  they  would  observe  "  the  law  of  God  which 


REGULATIONS  ADOPTED  AT  THE  GREAT  ASSEMBLY   211 

was  given  by  Moses  the  servant  of  God  "  (Neh.  x.  28, 
29). 

199.  The  chief  articles  in  that  law,  as  reported  in 
Nehemiah  x.,  are  :  (1)  To  abstain  from  all  intermar- 
riage with  heathen  peoples ;  (2)  to  abstain  from  buy- 
ing and  selling  on  the  Sabbath  or  on  a  holy  day  ;  (3) 
to  observe  the  commands  respecting  the  Sabbatical 
year  ;  (4)  to  pay  a  poll  tax  of  one  third  of  a  shekel 
to  support  the  services  at  the  temple ;  (5)  to  provide 
wood  for  the  sacrifices  at  the  temple  in  accordance 
with  the  decision  of  the  lot ;  (6)  to  bring  the  first- 
fruits  and  the  first-born,  as  commanded,  to  the  temple 
for  the  support  of  the  priests ;  ( 7 )  to  deliver  the  tithes 
of  the  ground  to  the  Levites,  who  in  turn  were  to  dis- 
tribute them  according  to  the  law ;  and  (8),  in  general, 
not  to  neglect  to  provide  for  the  needs  of  the  temple 
service. 

200.  The  trustworthiness  of  this  brief  report  is 
strikingly  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  each  regulation 
was  intended  to  correct  evils  in  the  Judean  com- 
munity with  which  we  have  already  become  familiar 
through  the  memoirs  of  Nehemiah  and  the  writings 
of  contemporary  prophets.  There  is  good  ground  for 
believing  that  the  reformation  affected  the  inner 
spiritual  as  well  as  the  external  life  of  the  com- 
munity ;  but  it  was  natural  that  a  tradition,  probably 
preserved  among  the  records  of  the  temple,  should 
refer  only  to  objective  reforms.  The  articles  sub- 
scribed to  at  the  Great  Assembly  became  at  once  the 
constitution,  both  of  Judaism  and  of  the  new  temple 
service.  The  first  regulation  was  intended  to  separate 
the  Jews  from  the  rest  of  mankind ;  the  second,  in 
enforcing   the  strict  observance  of   the    Sabbath,  em- 


212     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

phasized  the  same  distinction ;  the  third  aimed  to 
improve  the  social  organization  of  the  community ; 
while  the  remaining  five  relate  entirely  to  the  sanc- 
tuary, and  their  aim  is  to  make  its  services  more 
elaborate  and  impressive,  and,  with  this  end  in  view, 
to  secure  for  the  temple  and  its  ministers  an  increased 
and  definite  income. 

201.  The  account  of  their  work  leaves  no  doubt  that 
Ezra  and  his  fellow-reformers  were  guided  by  the  body 
of  laws  found  chiefly  in  Exodus  xxv.  to  xxxi. ;  xxxiv. 
29  to  xl.  38,  and  the  Books  of  Leviticus  and  Numbers, 
which  is  usually  designated  as  the  Priestly  or  Levitical 
Code.  In  general,  the  prominence  given  to  the  services 
of  the  temple,  the  accent  placed  upon  the  written  law, 
and  the  custom  of  reading  the  law  at  the  Feast  of 
Tabernacles  (see  Lev.  xxiii.  33-36)  are  all  marked 
characteristics  of  this  system.  Five  out  of  the  eight 
regulations,  while  unknown  to  the  earlier  Deuteronomic, 
are  based  upon  the  Priestly  Code.  The  Pentateuch 
contains  no  detailed  enactments  respecting  the  pro- 
vision of  wood  for  the  sacrifices.  The  reference  in 
Nehemiah  x.  34,  "  As  it  is  written  in  the  law,"  is, 
therefore,  to  a  section  in  the  Priestly  Code  which  has 
been  lost,  or  to  the  traditional  usage  of  the  temple, 
based  perhaps  upon  Nehemiah's  ruling  (Neh.  xiii.  31). 

202.  There  is,  on  the  other  hand,  evidence  that  at 
the  time  of  the  Great  Assembly  the  Priestly  Code  was 
not  quite  complete.  For  example,  the  poll  tax  of  one- 
third  of  a  shekel  for  the  support  of  the  temple  service 
was  increased  to  one-half  of  a  temple  shekel  (Ex.  xxx. 
11-16  ;  xxxviii.  26  ;  so  in  New  Testament  times).  In 
the  covenant  of  the  Great  Assembly,  reference  is  made 
only  to  the  tithe  of  the  ground  (Neh.  x.  37 ;  compare 


CHARACTER  OF  THE  NEW  CODE       213 

also  xiii.  5),  which,  as  in  Deuteronomy  xiv.  22-29,  in- 
cluded only  the  produce  of  the  field  ;  but,  according 
to  the  later  priestly  legislation  of  Leviticus  xxvii.  BO- 
SS, the  people  were  commanded  to  bring  not  only  the 
tithe  of  the  field,  but  also  the  tithe  of  the  herd  and 
of  the  flock.  Similarly,  in  Ezra's  time,  the  day  of 
atonement  was  evidently  not  celebrated  on  the  tenth 
day  of  the  memorable  seventh  month  described  in 
Nehemiah  viii. ;  but,  according  to  the  law  in  Leviticus 
xvi.,  and  the  usage  of  later  Judaism,  this  day  (the 
tenth  of  the  seventh  month)  was  set  aside  for  national 
confession  and  atoning  sacrifice.  It  soon  became  one 
of  the  most  important  days  in  the  religious  calendar. 
Thus  the  account  of  the  Great  Assembly  introduces 
us  to  the  Jewish  law  still  in  the  course  of  formation. 
The  long  process,  however,  was  nearly  complete,  for 
the  position  given  to  the  written  torah  at  that  time 
soon  led  to  the  closing  of  the  canon  of  the  law. 

20S.  The  new  expanded  code,  like  the  system  devised 
by  Ezekiel,  aimed  to  make  objective  the  principles  of 
the  prophets.  The  majority  of  the  Jews  of  Palestine 
were  so  ignorant  that,  if  they  were  to  be  led  into  the 
way  of  holiness,  that  way  must  be  very  plain  and  the 
guide-posts  many.  The  old  Hebrew  prophets  were 
obliged  to  be  content  if  a  mere  handful  of  disciples 
listened  to  their  message,  while  the  mass  of  their 
nation  went  on  unheeding.  The  apostles  of  the  ex- 
panded law  of  Moses  aimed  to  reach  all,  and  to  trans- 
form the  community.  They  succeeded  where  the 
prophets  had  failed,  partially  because  conditions  were 
more  favorable.  The  political  ambitions  which  dis- 
tracted those  to  whom  the  earlier  prophets  spoke,  were, 
under  the  rule  of  Persia,  impossible ;  the  community 


214     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

which  the  apostles  of  the  law  addressed,  was  a  com- 
pact social  unit,  not  a  large  and  heterogeneous  nation  ; 
they  were  also  powerfully  supported  by  the  influence 
and  gifts  of  the  great  body  of  faithful  Jews  outside 
of  Judah  ;  and  the  tendency  of  the  age,  without  as 
well  as  within  Judaism,  was  toward  a  ritualistic  type 
of  religion.  They  succeeded  also  because  the  law 
which  they  presented,  was  itself  "  a  schoolmaster  "  to 
whom  the  people  had  already  learned  to  listen  as 
authoritative,  and  whose  teachings  were  definite  and 
explicit.  While  the  new  code  exalted  the  sanctuary, 
and  centred  about  it  all  the  life  of  the  community,  it 
also  encircled  the  "  true  Israel,"  which  included  all 
who  subscribed  to  it,  with  impassable  walls  of  separa- 
tion, imparting  to  the  little  hierarchy  that  consistency 
which  made  it  an  immovable  rock  where  all  about  was 
chaos.  By  the  act  of  the  Great  Assembly,  the  lanion 
of  all  faithful  Jews,  whether  in  Palestine  or  in  the 
distant  lands  of  the  dispersion,  was  effected.  They 
now  acknowledged  one  system  of  laws,  and  felt  that 
they  all  had  a  part  in  the  service  of  their  common 
sanctuary.  At  this  time  also  the  real  centre  of  Jewish 
religious  thought  was  transferred  from  the  East  to 
Judah.  Henceforth  the  chief  influences  which  moulded 
Judaism  came  not  from  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion  but 
from  those  of  Palestine.  At  last  "  the  restoration  " 
was  a  reality. 


XI 

THE   SAMARITAN    TEMPLE    ON   MOUNT   GERIZIM 

204.  Two  great  monuments  arose  to  commemorate 
the  success  of  the  priestly  reformation  instituted  under 
the  direction  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra :  The  one  was  the 
Jewish  hierarchy ;  and  the  other  Avas  the  Samaritan 
temple  on  Mount  Gerizim,  with  the  religious  commu- 
nity which  grew  up  about  it.  The  schism  between  the 
two  closely  related  communities  was  consummated 
when  the  Priestly  Law  was  adopted  at  Jerusalem, 
but  the  action  of  the  Great  Assembly  only  precipi- 
tated differences  which  were  nearly  as  old  as  the 
race.  It  was  merely  a  reassertion  on  a  religious  basis 
of  the  same  ancient  rivalry  and  mutual  antago- 
nism which  led  to  the  division  of  the  united  Hebrew 
kingdom  after  the  death  of  Solomon  (II.  sects.  18-21). 
During  the  centuries  of  their  independent  national 
existence,  the  Israelites  and  the  Judeans  had  been  sub- 
jected to  different  influences  and  experiences  which 
had  only  widened  the  gulf  that  separated  them.  The 
infusion  of  heathen  blood  which  came  through  the 
colonists  introduced  into  the  province  of  Samaria  after 
722  B.  c.  by  the  Assyrian  kings  (II.  sect.  105),  extended 
it  still  farther :  for,  although  the  immigrants  accepted 
the  religion  of  the  land,  they  communicated  to  the 
native  Israelites  many  of  their  idolatrous  customs. 


216     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

205.  Josiah's  conquests  and  reform  crusade  left  a 
lasting  impression  upon  the  Samaritan  people  (II.  Kings 
xxiii.  15-20)  ;  henceforth  Deuteronomy  was  the  law 
book  of  the  northerners  as  well  as  of  the  Judeans,  and 
Jerusalem  the  one  accredited  sanctuary  (Jer.  xli.  5 ; 
Zech.  vii.  2);  but  many  heathen  ideas  and  customs 
survived  in  the  north,  despite  the  sword  of  the  zealous 
reformer.  There  is  evidence  that  in  the  evangelistic 
spirit  of  the  Deuteronomic  reformation,  the  Jews  en- 
deavored, in  the  age  of  Nehemiah,  to  complete  the  con- 
version of  their  northern  kinsmen.  In  the  account 
which  the  chronicler  gives  of  the  reformation  of  Josiah 
(11.  Chrs.  XXX.  10, 11),  he  probably  has  in  mind  the 
history  of  this  later  proselyting  movement :  "  The  mes- 
sengers passed  from  city  to  city  through  the  country  of 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  even  unto  Zebulun  ;  but  they 
laughed  them  to  scorn,  and  mocked  them.  Neverthe- 
less certain  ones  of  Asher  and  of  Manasseh  and  of 
Zebulun  humbled  themselves  and  came  to  Jerusalem." 
A  psalmist  of  the  period  mentions  the  princes  of  Zebu- 
lun and  Naphtali,  together  with  those  of  Judah  and 
Benjamin  (Ixviii.  27).  Gradually  and  quietly,  during 
the  last  century  of  the  Persian,  and  during  the  opening 
years  of  the  Greek  period,  was  consummated  that  reli- 
gious union  between  Galilee  and  Judea  which  was  des- 
tined to  prove  such  an  important  factor  in  determining 
the  faith  of  humanity.  Isaiah  Ixv.  1,  2,  apparently 
refers  to  the  failure  of  the  same  proselyting  movement 
in  Samaria.  In  the  name  of  Jehovah,  the  prophet  de- 
clares :  "  I  allowed  myself  to  be  consulted  by  those  who 
asked  not  after  me ;  I  was  ready  to  be  inquired  of  by 
those  who  sought  me  not ;  I  said,  "Here  am  I,  here 
am  I,  to  a  nation  which  called  not  upon  my  name.     I 


CAUSES  OF   THE   SAMARITAN   SCHISM  217 

spread  out  my  hands  to  a  rebellious  people  who  walk 
after  their  own  purposes  in  the  way  which  is  not  good  " 
(compare  also  Ixvi.  4). 

206.  The  spirit  of  love,  which  conquers  all  things, 
was  not  strong  enough  in  the  hearts  of  the  Judeans, 
and  the  religious  customs  of  the  Samaritans  presented 
too  great  variations  to  make  a  fusion  of  the  two  peoples 
possible  in  an  age  when  great  stress  was  laid  upon  the 
externals  of  religion.  The  Judean  prophet  accuses  the 
northerners  of  sacrificing  as  of  old  in  groves,  of  burn- 
ing incense  upon  bricks,  of  tarrj^ing  among  the  rock- 
cut  graves,  probably  that  they  might  thereby  have 
inspired  dreams,  of  eating  swine's  flesh  and  other  un- 
clean meats,  and  of  paying  homage  to  the  Syrian  gods. 
Fortune  and  Destiny  (Ixv.  2-4,  11  ;  Ixvi.  3  ;  compare 
sect.  146).  The  spirit  of  self-righteous  Pharisaism 
also  was  not  confined  to  the  Jews,  for  through  the 
words  of  the  same  prophet  we  can  hear  the  Samar- 
itans exclaiming :  "  Keep  by  yourself,  do  not  come 
near  me,  for  I  am  holier  than  you  "  (Ixv.  5).  Before 
Nehemiah  and  Ezra  inspired  a  deeper  piety  within  the 
Jews  of  Palestine,  they  were  little  better  than  their 
northern  brethren.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  Samari- 
tans refused  to  abandon  their  form  of  religion  for  that 
of  the  despised  Jews.  According  to  the  logic  of  num- 
bers and  strength,  it  was  natural  to  expect  that  the 
weaker  would  be  absorbed  by  the  stronger.  Before 
Nehemiah  arrived,  this  solution  of  their  political  and 
religious  differences  was  by  no  means  impossible.  He 
recognized,  when  he  reached  Jerusalem,  that  the  Jews, 
who  were  both  morally  and  physically  weak,  were  not 
capable  of  assimilating  the  larger  and  more  influential 
community.     He,  accordingly,  at  once  threw  down  the 


218     THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

gauntlet,  by  declaring  that  hereafter  Sanballat  and  his 
followers  ''  should  have  no  portion,  nor  right,  nor 
memorial  in  Jerusalem "  (Neh.  ii.  20),  and  aroused 
thereby  their  bitter  opposition  to  his  enterprise.  He 
it  was,  who,  on  personal  and  religious  grounds,  hast- 
ened the  schism. 

207.  The  history  of  the  detailed  steps  which  led  to 
the  final  rupture  is  only  obscurely  written.  Nehemiali's 
memoirs  indicate  that  Sanballat,  the  leader  of  the 
Samaritans,  made  repeated  and  strenuous  efforts  to 
renew  their  former  relations  with  the  Jews,  and  that 
there  were  many  prominent  men  in  Jerusalem,  includ- 
ing both  priests  and  prophets,  who  favored  such  a 
union.  Nehemiah,  however,  would  listen  to  no  com- 
promise, and  the  influence  of  the  Jews  of  the  disper- 
sion supported  him  in  his  position.  In  their  eyes,  the 
Samaritans  were  hopelessly  unclean.  As  that  influ- 
ence became  more  potent  in  Palestine,  the  possibilities 
of  union  diminished.  The  expulsion  from  Jerusalem 
by  Nehemiah  of  the  grandson  of  Eliashib  the  high 
priest,  because  he  would  not  put  away  his  wife,  the 
daughter  of  Sanballat,  marks  an  advanced  stage  in  the 
controversy  (Neh.  xiii.  28).  Henceforth,  it  was  char- 
acterized—  as  are  most  contentions  which  concern  the 
externals  of  religion  —  by  the  greatest  bitterness  on 
both  sides.  In  Isaiah  Ixv.,  the  unknown  prophet 
intersperses  his  promises  of  future  blessedness  for 
^'Jehovah's  servants,  they  of  Judah,"  with  dire  pre- 
dictions of  destruction  and  misfortune  to  fall  upon 
"  them  who  forget  Jehovah's  holy  mountain  "  (verses 
8-15). 

208.  When  the  Jewish  community  solemnly  ac- 
cepted the  new  Priestly  Code  as  its  law,  the  Samaritans 


FOUNDING  OF   THE   SAMARITAN  TEMPLE         219 

recognized  that  they  were  forever  exchided  from  the 
Jerusalem  temple,  toward  which  the  Book  of  Deiite- 
ronom}^  directed  them  as  the  one  sacred  site  where 
Jehova,h  could  rightly  he  worshipped.  Their  condition 
was  in  some  respects  analogous  to  that  of  their  ances- 
tors after  their  separation  from  the  Judeans  in  937  b.  c. 
The  precedent  then  established  guided  them  now.  The 
old  sanctuaries  at  Dan  and  Bethel  had  been  dese- 
crated, and  neither  were  easily  accessible  to  the  Samar- 
itans. Therefore,  they  selected  a  site  closely  associated 
in  their  traditions  with  the  memory  of  their  earliest 
and  most  revered  ancestors.  Mount  Gerizim,  although 
not  the  highest,  is  one  of  the  two  most  prominent 
peaks  in  the  territory  of  Samaria.  Its  location,  over- 
hanging the  ancient  northern  capital,  Shechem,  gave 
it  a  position  of  great  importance.  Probably,  since  the 
earliest  period  of  Semitic  settlement  in  Canaan,  a 
sacred  shrine  was  to  be  found  crowning  the  fertile 
plateau  on  its  eastern  brow.  There  the  Samaritan 
people  reared  the  temple  which  became  the  centre 
of  their  religious  life,  and  which  soon  rivalled  the 
older  one  at  Jerusalem.  Although  the  original  struc- 
ture was  destroyed  by  John  Hyrcanus  about  130 
B.  c,  the  Samaritans  have  continued,  even  down  to 
the  present  day,  to  worship  Jehovah  on  their  holy 
mountain. 

209.  According  to  Josephus  (Ant.  xi.  8,  2),  the  orig- 
inal Samaritan  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim  was  built  by 
Sanballat,  that  his  son-in-law  Manasseh,  who  had  been 
expelled  from  Jerusalem  because  of  his  marriage  to 
Nicaso,  the  daughter  of  the  Samaritan  prince,  might 
have  a  temple  in  which  to  minister.  While  the  tradi- 
tion, which  preserves  the  names  of  the  chief  actors  in 


220     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

this  important  event,  is  probably  historical,  Josephus, 
as  is  often  his  wont,  because  of  his  intense  antipathy 
to  the  Samaritans,  has  given  a  wrong  setting  to  his 
data.  The  priestly  noble,  Manasseh,  was  without 
doubt  the  son-in-law  of  Sanballat,  and  the  grandson 
of  the  high  priest  Eliashib  whom  Nehemiah  drove 
from  Judah.  He  was  the  son  of  Joiada,  and  there- 
fore the  brother  of  Johanan  the  high  priest,  and  not 
of  Jaddua  who  succeeded  Johanan  (Neh.  xii.  22),  as 
Josephus  asserts.  This  late  Jewish  historian  also 
makes  Sanballat  a  contemporary  of  Darius  Codoman- 
nus  (336-330  b.  c.)  and  of  Alexander  the  Great,  thus 
dating  the  building  of  the  Samaritan  temple  during 
the  last  two  decades  of  the  Persian  period.  His  testi- 
mony, of  course,  has  little  weight  when  it  is  so  flatly 
contradicted  by  that  of  the  contemporary  record  pre- 
served in  Nehemiah's  memoirs.  That  Josephus  is 
manipulating  his  material  is  clearly  indicated,  not 
only  by  the  inconsistencies  apparent  in  his  story, 
but  also  by  the  fact  that,  in  his  brief  summary  of 
Nehemiah's  narrative,  he  always  omits  the  name  of 
Sanballat  (Ant.  xi.  5,  6-8).  Inasmuch  as  he  placed 
Nehemiah's  activity  in  the  reign  of  Xerxes,  he  was 
keen  enough  to  realize  that,  although  he  made 
Sanballat  die  in  a  ripe  old  age,  the  Samaritan  prince 
could  not  have  been  living  both  in  the  earlier  part 
of  the  fifth  and  also  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth 
century  b.  c. 

210.  If  the  source  for  Josephus'  statement,  that 
Sanballat  was  given  permission  to  build  the  Samaritan 
temple  by  Darius,  is  reliable,  the  Persian  king  in  ques- 
tion was  not  the  last,  but  the  second  who  bore  that 
name  and  who  reigned  from  424  to  404  b.  c.     Possibly 


DATE  OF  THE  SAMARITAN  TEMPLE      221 

the  error  of  Josephus  arose  because  he  made  the 
common  mistake  of  confusing  these  two  monarchs. 
Johanan,  the  brother  of  Manasseh,  was  probably  the 
same  into  whose  room  in  the  temple  Ezra  retired 
when  the  final  exclusive  measures  were  introduced 
(Ezra  X.  6).  This  reference  confirms  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  building  of  the  Samaritan  temple  fol- 
lowed very  soon  after  the  Great  Assembly.  Joiada, 
the  father  of  the  exiled  priest,  was  high  priest 
during  the  last  quarter  of  the  fifth  century.  Nehe- 
miah,  at  the  most,  could  not  have  lived  long  after 
the  close  of  that  century,  so  that  his  expulsion  of 
Manasseh,  and  the  building  of  the  Samaritan  tem- 
ple, must  be  dated  not  far  from  400  b.  c,  possibly 
during  the  closing  years  of  the  reign  of  Darius  II. 
(424-404  B.  c.)  or  immediately  after  397  b.  c. 

211.  In  connection  with  his  reference  to  the  driv- 
ing away  of  Manasseh,  Nehemiah  calls  down  a  curse 
upon  certain  ones,  "because  they  had  defiled  the 
priesthood  and  the  covenant  of  the  priesthood  and  of 
the  Levites."  From  this  reference  it  is  evident  that 
Manasseh  was  by  no  means  the  only  one  from  the 
ranks  of  the  Jerusalem  priests  and  Levites  who 
offended  against  the  strict  Priestly  Law,  which  for- 
bade marriages  with  foreigners.  Ezra  also  found  many 
such  offenders  (Ezra  x.  18-23).  That  they  all  con- 
sented to  put  away  their  foreign  wives  is,  on  a  priori 
grounds,  improbable,  and  Josephus  confirms  this  con- 
clusion, for  he  states  that  "  many  of  the  priests  and 
Levites  of  Jerusalem  were  entangled  in  such  marriages  ; 
for  they  all  revolted  to  Manasseh  ;  and  Sanballat  gave 
them  money  and  divided  among  them  land  to  cultivate, 
and  also  provided   them  with   habitations "  (Ant.  xi. 


222     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

8,  2).  This  defection  probably  assumed  larger  pro- 
portions than  either  Nehemiah  or  Josephus  were 
willing  to  admit.  In  a  sense,  both  the  Jewish  and 
Samaritan  commnnities  were  benefited  by  it.  De- 
livered from  the  uncongenial  and  opposing  elements 
witliin  its  midst,  the  "  true  Israel  "was  free  to  devote 
all  its  energies  to  living  in  accord  with  the  new  Priestly 
Law.  Emulation  of  their  southern  rivals,  and  the 
building  of  the  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim,  also  aroused 
a  new  religious  zeal  among  the  Samaritans.  Although, 
at  certain  points  and  on  personal  grounds,  at  variance 
with  the  dominant  party  in  Jerusalem,  Manasseh  and 
his  fellow-exiles  had  caught  the  spirit  of  reform  and 
appear  to  have  been  as  ardent  champions  of  the  revised 
Jewish  code  as  were  Nehemiah  and  Ezra.  The  re- 
sult was  that  the  Samaritans,  instead  of  reverting  to 
heathenism,  under  the  influence  of  their  new  priest- 
hood, at  once,  or  soon,  adopted  as  their  law  the  com- 
pleted Jewish  code,  practically  in  the  form  in  which 
we  have  it  to-day  in  the  Pentateuch.  This,  together 
with  an  abbreviated  edition  of  the  Book  of  Joshua, 
has  continued  until  the  present  to  be  their  sacred 
scriptures.  It  certainly  is  a  source  for  regret  that  we 
are  acquainted  with  the  work  of  these  early  Samaritan 
reformers  only  through  the  chance  references  of  hostile 
Jewish  liistorians.  In  the  unprejudiced  eyes  of  the 
great  Prophet  of  Nazareth,  the  type  of  religion  which 
they  introduced,  compared  by  no  means  unfavorably 
with  that  which  was  found  under  tlie  shadow  of  the 
Jerusalem  temple.  In  the  bitter  contest  waged  dur- 
ing the  succeeding  centuries  between  the  Jews  and 
Samaritans,  it  is  certain  that  right  was  not  entirely 
with  either  side.     Much  of  the  intolerance  and  acer- 


RELIGION  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THE  SAMARITANS   223 

bity  which  disfigured  the  character  of  later  Judaism 
was  the  result  of  these  fierce  struggles.  Henceforth, 
the  worshippers  on  Mount  Gerizim  possess  for  the 
student  of  Jewish  history  a  powerful  but  negative 
interest. 


XII 

THE  LAST   CENTURY    OF   PERSIAN   RULE 

212.  The  years  which  immediately  followed  the 
Great  Assembly  were  undoubtedly  the  happiest  which 
the  Jews  of  Palestine  had  known  since  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem  in  586  b.  c.  While  the  institution 
of  strict,  exclusive  measures  rendered  their  relations 
with  their  neighbors  more  bitter  than  ever  before,  new 
hopes  filled  their  hearts.  The  consciousness  that  they 
were  faithfully  observing  the  law  of  Jehovah,  gave 
them  renewed  confidence.  They  regarded  the  un- 
wonted prosperity  which  they  enjoyed  as  unquestion- 
able evidence  of  his  favor  and  an  earnest  of  still 
greater  blessings.  The  same  prophet  who  was  so 
bitter  in  his  denunciations  of  the  Samaritans,  voiced, 
in  the  name  of  Jehovah,  the  expectations  which  in- 
spired his  hearers :  "  I  will  rejoice  in  Jerusalem, 
and  joy  in  my  people  :  and  the  voice  of  weeping  shall 
be  no  more  heard  in  her,  nor  the  voice  of  crying. 
They  shall  not  build,  and  another  inhabit;  they  shall 
not  plant,  and  another  eat :  for  as  the  days  of  a  tree 
shall  be  the  days  of  my  people,  and  mine  elect  shall 
long  enjoy  the  work  of  their  hands.  They  shall  not 
labor  in  vain,  nor  bring  forth  for  sudden  trouble ;  for 
they  are  a  seed  blessed  of  Jehovah,  and  their  offspring 
shall  remain  with  them  "  (Isa.  Ixv.  18,  22,  23). 


EVIDENCE   OF   A   GENERAL   RETURN   TO  JUDAH    225 

213.  A  subsequent  passage,  probably  from  the  same 
author,  refers  to  the  birth  of  the  "  true  Israel "  and  to 
the  return  of  the  scattered  Jews :  "  Who  has  heard 
such  a  thing  ?  Who  has  seen  such  a  thing  ?  Shall 
a  country  be  born  in  a  day,  or  a  nation  be  brought 
forth  at  once  ?  As  soon  as  Zion  travailed,  she  brought 
forth  her  children "  (Isa.  Ixvi.  8).  There  is  evidence 
that  Ezra's  expedition  represents  but  one  of  several 
groups  of  exiles  who  returned  at  this  time.  If  the 
rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  and  the  pre- 
liminary reform  of  Nehemiah  sufficed  to  attract  six 
or  seven  thousand  Jews  of  the  dispersion,  the  added 
knowledge  that  "  Zion  had  travailed,"  that  the  Priestly 
Law  had  been  proclaimed,  and  solemnly  accepted  in 
Judah,  must  have  attracted  thousands  more.  At  last 
the  religious  atmosphere  of  Palestine  was  congenial 
to  the  stricter  Jews  of  the  East,  and  the  uninhabited 
spaces  within  and  without  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
invited  colonists.  The  exclusive  spirit  which  drove 
Manasseh  and  his  fellow-exiles  from  Jerusalem,  drew 
many  zealous  priests  and  laymen  in  their  stead.  Long 
years  of  preparation  had  preceded,  but,  when  the  final 
moment  came,  a  "  nation  indeed  was  born  in  a  day." 

214.  In  the  census,  preserved  in  Ezra  ii.  and 
Nehemiah  vii.,  of  "  the  children  of  the  province  who 
went  up  out  of  captivity,"  the  names  of  the  majority 
follow  those  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  (in  Ezra  ii.  2, 
Seraiah).  Since  the  names  of  the  first  four  stand  in 
their  relative  chronological  order,  it  is  at  least  reason- 
able to  conclude  that  the  same  is  true  of  the  rest;  in 
which  case  these  lists  also  testify  that  a  majority  of 
those  who  returned  did  so  after  the  Great  Assembly. 
Since   it   seems   probable   that   only  a   comparatively 

15 


226     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF   JEWISH  HISTORY 

small  number  returned  with  Zerubbabel,  Joshua,  and 
Nehemiah,  and  about  six  thousand  with  Ezra,  at  least 
three-fourths  of  the  varying  totals  given  in  the  differ- 
ent versions  returned  with  the  eight  other  leaders. 
The  names  borne  by  some  of  the  clans,  as,  for  example, 
"the  children  of  Pahath-Moab  "  (children  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  Moab),  suggests  that  not  all  represented  in 
the  census  returned  from  Babylon.  The  lists  may 
even  comprise  all  in  Judah  who  accepted  the  new 
Priestly  Law,  which  had  been  brought  by  those  "  who 
went  up  out  of  captivity,"  irrespective  of  whether  or 
not  they  or  their  ancestors  had  ever  left  Palestine. 
This  may  be  the  significance  of  the  general  title, 
"children  of  the  province,"  which  is  used  instead  of 
the  "  children  of  the  captivity,"  by  which  the  chronicler 
always  distinguishes  the  returned  from  resident  Jews 
(Ezra  iv.  1 ;  viii.  35). 

215.  An  index  of  the  date  of  this  census  is  found 
in  the  fact  that  many  of  "  the  children  of  the  province  " 
were  settled  in  towns  which  were  not  held  by  the  Jews 
when  Nehemiah  went  to  Judah  in  444  B.  c.  (see  map 
opposite  page  158).  The  extension  of  Jewish  territory 
thus  indicated,  is  toward  the  north  and  northwest,  and 
includes  such  debatable  towns  as  Geba,  Michmash, 
Bethel,  Ai,  Kiriath-jearim,  Chephira,  Lydda,  Hadid, 
and  Ono,  lying  on  the  southern  borders  of  Samaria. 
This  extension  corresponds  exactly  with  that  which 
Josephus  and  the  first  Book  of  Maccabees  declare 
took  place  during  the  years  following  the  advent  of 
Nehemiah  and  Ezra.  By  the  beginning  of  the  Macca- 
bean  period,  Bethel,  Beth-horon,  and  Timnath  Pharathon 
are  no  longer  Samaritan  but  Judean  cities  (I.  Mac.  ix. 
50^  Jos.  Ant.  xiii.  1,  3).     The  Jewish  population  on 


CONDITIONS  FAVORABLE   FOR  A  RETURN  227 

the  plain  of  Ono  (compare  Neb.  vi.  2)  had  also  in- 
creased to  such  an  extent  that  in  145  b.  c.  the  Jews 
demanded  that  the  toparchy  of  Lydda,  as  well  as  those 
of  Apharema  (Ephraim)  and  Ramathaim,  be  trans- 
ferred to  them  by  the  Syrian  king  (I.  Mac.  xi.  28,  34 ; 
Jos.  Ant.  xiii.  4,  9). 

216.  During  the  closing  years  of  the  Persian  period, 
and  under  the  rule  of  the  Ptolemies,  the  Jews  in  Pales- 
tine were  oppressed,  and  large  numbers  of  them  were 
deported,  especially  to  Egypt ;  but  during  the  long 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  II.  (Mnemon,  404^^8  b.  c),  the 
central  government  was  so  pitiably  w^eak  and  inert 
that  the  different  states  under  its  nominal  control 
were  free  to  do  very  much  as  they  pleased  without 
fear  of  interference.  Hence  the  period  of  Judah's 
expansion  must  have  been,  as  already  inferred  on 
other  grounds,  during  the  first  half  of  the  fourth 
century.  Its  cause  was  evidently  the  return  of  large 
numbers  of  Jews  from  the  dispersion  ;  for  the  strict 
policy  of  separation  which  was  adopted  at  the  Great 
Assembly  tended  to  diminish  rather  than  increase 
the  native  Jewish  population.  From  this  half  cen- 
tury, therefore,  in  all  probability,  came  the  census 
of  the  lay  population  introduced  by  the  chronicler  in 
Ezra  ii.  and  Nehemiah  vii.  Then  the  influence  of  "  the 
returned  "  became  dominant  in  Judah  ;  while  the  mixed 
population  which  had  remained  in  the  land  began  to 
fall  into  ill-repute,  as  their  previous  record  and  laxer 
practices  were  viewed  from  the  stricter  point  of  view  of 
the  Priestly  Law  ;  so  that  then,  for  the  first  time,  there 
was  a  strong  motive  for  taking  and  preserving  such 
a  census.  The  same  tendency  to  disparage  the  resident 
and  to  assign  all  that  was  good  to  the  returned  Jews 


228     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

continued  to  develop  until,  as  in  the  case  of  the  chron- 
icler, it  distorted  all  the  later  conceptions  of  earlier 
post-exilic  history.  The  actual  return  of  a  few  thou- 
sand evidently  inspired  in  the  hearts  of  the  Palestinian 
Jews  hopes  of  a  complete  restoration  of  their  race. 
Fervently  and  often  they  prayed: 

Save  us,  0  Lord  our  God, 
And  gather  us  from  among  the  nations, 
To  give  thanks  unto  thy  holy  name, 
And  to  find  our  pride  in  thy  praise.^ 

Another  psalmist,  looking  back  upon  this  bright  epoch 
from  out  of  the  shadows  which  darkened  the  succeed- 
ing years,  exclaimed : 

When  the  Lord  brought  back  those  that  returned  to  Zion, 

We  were  like  unto  them  that  dream. 

Then  were  our  mouths  filled  with  laughter. 

And  our  tongues  with  singing  : 

Then  said  they  among  the  nations, 

The  Lord  hath  done  a  great  thing  for  them. 

The  Lord  hath  done  a  great  thing  for  us ; 

We  are  glad.^ 

217.  During  the  long  reign  of  Artaxerxes  IL,  the 
supine  weakness  of  the  Persian  rule,  which  had  given 
the  Jews  their  opportunity  for  expansion,  brought  upon 
them  a  new  danger.  As  so  often  in  the  history  of  the 
Hebrew  people,  it  came  from  the  land  of  the  Nile. 
Tachos,  the  native  king  of  Egypt,  which  had  for  nearly 
lialf  a  century  successfully  defied  the  authority  of  tlie 
Great  King,  about  361  B.  c.  advanced  into  Syria  on  his 

1  Ps.  cvi.  47.  2  ps^  cxxvi.  1-3. 


REIGN   OF  ARTAXERXES  III.    (OCHUS)  229 

way  to  attack  Artaxerxes.  The  Phoenicians  had  joined 
his  cause,  and  he  had  begun  the  siege  of  certain  Syrian 
towns,  when  he  was  suddenly  obliged  to  return  to 
Egypt  to  put  down  threatening  insurrections.  Mean- 
time, the  aged  Artaxerxes  died  in  the  year  358  B.  c, 
and  the  Persian  throne  was  seized  by  his  younger  son 
Ochus,  wlio  is  known  as  Artaxerxes  III.  He  proved 
as  shrewd  and  energetic  as  he  was  unscrupulous  and 
cruel.  His  reign  was  the  bloodiest  in  Persian  history. 
His  accession  was  marked  by  the  wholesale  murder  of 
all  the  members  of  the  royal  family  who  might  in  any 
way  endanger  the  continuance  of  his  rule.  At  the 
same  time,  he  did  more  to  revive  the  tottering  empire 
than  any  other  monarch  since  Darius  I.  Instead  of 
trusting  to  his  generals,  he  in  person  conducted  the 
more  important  campaigns.  Egypt  naturally  demanded 
his  first  attention.  The  reigning  Egyptian  king 
Nectanebus,  however,  with  the  aid  of  Greek  generals 
and  mercenaries,  about  350  b.  c,  completely  defeated 
the  vast  army  of  Ochus. 

218.  This  signal  defeat  early  in  his  reign  encour- 
aged the  subjects  of  Ochus  in  many  parts  of  the  empire 
to  revolt.  Probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  Egyptians, 
the  Phoenicians,  led  by  the  town  of  Sidon,  also  raised 
the  standard  of  rebellion.  The  Persian  soldiers  within 
their  territory  were  massacred.  Insurrections  in  other 
parts  of  his  empire  prevented  Ochus  from  immediately 
crushing  the  uprising,  so  tliat  it  soon  assumed  large 
proportions.  Tennes,  the  Sidonian  king,  supported  by 
a  large  body  of  Greek  mercenaries  sent  by  his  ally,  the 
victorious  king  of  Egypt,  defeated  two  of  the  Persian 
satraps  sent  against  him,  and  for  a  time  delivered  the 
province  of  Syria  from  Persian   rule.     By    346  b.  c. 


230     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

Oclius  succeeded  in  collecting  another  large  army 
(estimated  by  the  Greek  historians  at  330,000)  and 
advanced  against  Sidon.  Its  king,  thereupon,  betrayed 
his  city  and  allies  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians.  In 
keeping  with  his  usual  treacherous  policy,  Ochus  repaid 
the  perfidy  of  Tennes  by  murdering  him,  and  by  slay- 
ing the  principal  citizens  of  Sidon  who  came  to  plead 
for  clemency.  The  remainder,  preferring  death  by 
their  own  hands  to  the  mercy  of  this  bloodthirsty 
Oriental  despot,  shut  themselves  within  their  homes, 
and  then  burned  them  over  their  heads.  It  is  reported 
that  in  this  manner  forty  thousand  perished.  After 
having  reduced  to  ruins  the  centre  of  rebellion  in 
Syria,  Ochus  advanced  with  his  main  army  to  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt,  which  he  completed  by  343  b.  c. 

219.  The  part  which  the  Jews  took  in  this  great 
uprising,  and  the  fate  which  overtook  them,  like  cer- 
tain other  unpleasant  events  in  their  history,  are  only 
obscurely  recorded  by  their  historians.  The  narrative 
of  the  chronicler  stops  abruptly  with  the  institution  of 
the  Priestly  Law,  and  Josephus  is  almost  equally  silent. 
He  does,  however,  associate  with  the  name  of  ''  Bagoas, 
the  general  of  another  Artaxerxes,"  an  enslavement  of 
the  Jewish  people  and  a  pollution  of  their  temple  (Ant. 
xi.  7, 1).  This  general  was  evidently  identical  with  tlie 
eunuch  Bagoses,  one  of  the  three  Persian  commanders 
of  Ochus  (Artaxerxes  III.)  in  the  great  Syro-Egyptian 
campaign.  He  it  was  who  later  slew  his  master 
and  became  the  virtual  ruler  of  the  empire.  The 
cause  which  Josephus  assigns  for  the  severe  visitation 
upon  the  Jews,  was  the  murder  by  the  high  priest  John 
(Johanan  of  Nehemiah  xii.  22,  23),  of  his  brother 
Jesus,  for  whom  the  Persian  courtier  had  promised  to 


REBELLION  OF  THE  JEWS  AND  ITS  PUNISHMENT    231 

secure  the  high-priesthood.  Since  the  crime  was  com- 
mitted within  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  temple, 
Josephus  traces  the  misfortunes  which  overtook  his 
race  at  this  time  to  the  divine  displeasure  aroused  by 
the  act.  The  characters  of  the  high  priests  of  the 
period  were  such  that  the  story  is  by  no  means  incred- 
ible ;  but  the  judgment  which  the  Persians  visited 
upon  the  Jewish  community  was  out  of  all  propor- 
tion to  the  cause  assigned.  The  tradition  related  by 
Josephus  preserves  the  facts  that  the  Jews  were  en- 
slaved, that  their  temple  was  polluted,  that  their 
punishment  continued  through  many  years  (seven  ac- 
cording to  Ant.  xi.  7, 1),  that  Bagoses  was  a  prominent 
agent  in  inflicting  it,  and  that  it  was  regarded  as  a 
divine  judgment  for  sins  which  had  been  committed. 

220.  Certain  independent  references  in  the  writings 
of  the  non-Jewish  historians  supplement  tlie  writings 
of  Josephus,  and  suggest  the  true  cause  of  the  calam- 
ities which  befell  the  Jewish  community.  They  present 
few  details.  The  fact,  however,  is  established  that 
the  Jews  were  involved  in  the  rebellion  against  the 
Persians,  and  that  they  were  the  victims  of  the  same 
bloody  vengeance  that  Ochus  visited  upon  the  Phoeni- 
cians and  Egyptians.  It  is  also  recorded  that  Jericho 
was  captured  and  destroyed,  and  that  a  part  of  the 
Jewish  people  were  transported  to  the  province  of 
Hyrcania,  located  on  the  south  of  the  Caspian  sea 
(Solinus  XXXV.  6;  Syncellus  i.  486).  The  basis  of 
the  Book  of  Judith  is  not  improbably  also  a  late  tradi- 
tion concerning  the  suppression  of  the  Syrian  insur- 
rection by  Ochus.  The  name  of  Holofernes,  the  leader 
of  the  hostile  forces  in  this  grotesquely  distorted  tale, 
may  be  identified  with  that  of  Olophernes,  one  of  the 


232     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

generals  who  figured  prominently  in  the  same  Syro- 
Egyptian  campaign  (Diodorus  xxxi.  19,  28).  In 
referring  to  the  same  period,  the  author  of  the  nine- 
tieth chapter  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  (verses  74,  75), 
declares,  in  his  quaint  symbolism,  that  "  the  eyes  of  the 
sheep  [Jews]  were  blinded  so  that  they  saw  not.  As 
a  consequence,  they  were  given  over  in  large  numbers 
for  destruction,  and  were  trampled  underfoot  and 
devoured.  And  the  Lord  of  the  sheep  remained  un- 
moved until  all  the  sheep  were  dispersed  over  the  field 
and  mingled  with  the  beasts"  (their  heathen  foes). 

221.  The  actual  course  of  events  suggested  by  these 
general,  but  mutually  confirmatory  allusions  seems  to 
have  been  as  follows  :  during  the  first  half  of  the  -fil^ 
century  b.  c.  the  Jewish  community  grew  to  such  an 
extent,  both  in  numbers  and  strength,  that  its  insig- 
nificance no  longer  delivered  it  from  threatening 
political  complications.  The  old  aspirations  for  inde- 
pendence and  world-v/ide  rule  were  also  again  kindled 
in  the  hearts  of  the  Jews.  The  brutal  cruelty  and 
tyranny  of  Oclius  destroyed  all  gratitude  which  they 
may  have  felt  toward  the  Persians,  and  instead  aroused 
only  intense  hatred  and  loathing.  In  their  eyes,  the 
Persian  monarch  and  his  equally  unprincipled  advisers 
represented  the  arch  enemies  of  Jehovah  and  of  his 
kingdom.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Jews  felt,  even  as 
King  Josiah  when  he  attacked  the  mighty  host  of  Necho 
on  the  disastrous  field  of  Megiddo  (II.  sect.  190),  that, 
by  their  zealous  reforms  and  faithful  service,  they  had 
won  Jehovah's  favor,  and  that  he  was  under  obligation 
not  to  allow  them  to  fall  before  their  enemies.  The 
third  chapter  of  the  Book  of  Joel,  which  comes  from 
this  period  of  peace  and  prosperity,  expresses  this  feel- 


FALSE  HOPES  OF  THE  JEWS  233 

ing :  "  Proclaim  this  among  the  nations ;  sanctify  war  ; 
stir  up  the  mighty  men ;  let  all  the  men  of  war  draw 
near,  let  them  come  up.  Beat  your  ploughshares  into 
swords,  and  your  pruning-hooks  into  spears:  let  the 
weak  say,  I  am  strong"  (verses  9  and  10).  The 
prophet  then  challenges  the  mighty  nations  to  advance 
to  the  conflict.  He  has  no  doubt  of  the  issue.  Jehovah 
will  judge  the  nations,  and  use  his  omnipotent  power 
to  punish  their  guilt,  while  "  he  will  be  a  refuge  unto 
his  people  and  a  stronghold  to  the  children  of  Israel." 
When  this  day  of  Jehovah,  which  the  prophet's  con- 
temporaries hoped  was  near,  arrived,  Jerusalem  would 
be  recognized  by  all  as  holy,  and  "there  should  no 
strangers  pass  through  her  any  more."  With  these 
expectations  before  their  eyes,  it  is  easy  to  appreciate 
the  reasons  which  led  the  Jews  to  join  in  defying 
Persia.  To  have  refused  also  might  have  meant  de- 
struction at  the  hands  of  their  more  powerful  neigh- 
bors in  Palestine. 

222.  The  entire  province  of  Syria  appears  to  have 
been  compromised,  and  when  the  common  cause  was 
betrayed  and  lost  the  Jews  shared  the  consequences. 
What  these  were  may  be  learned  from  a  study  of 
the  awful  vengeance  which  Ochus  visited  upon  the 
Phoenicians  and  Egyi)tians.  Thousands  were  slain, 
cities  destroyed,  temples  spoiled,  and  mercy  shown  to 
none.  Since  many  of  the  Jews  were  deported,  it  is 
evident  that  the  wrath  of  Ochus  rested  as  heavily  upon 
them  as  upon  their  neighbors.  Although  the  historians 
refer  only  to  the  capture  of  Jericho,  Jerusalem  must 
have  suffered  a  still  worse  fate,  for,  like  Sennacherib, 
centuries  before  (II.  sect.  152),  Ochus,  as  he  advanced 
to  conquer  Egypt,  would  never  have  left  such  a  natural 


234      THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF   JEWISH   HISTORY 

stronghold  to  be  a  menace  in  his  rear.  There  is  little 
doubt,  in  the  light  of  the  independent  but  confirmatory 
evidence,  that  at  this,  the  time  of  their  second  captiv- 
ity, the  holy  city  and  its  sanctuary  were  again  despoiled 
and  nearly  destroyed.  Whether  the  one  detailed  to 
accomplish  this  work  was  Olophernes  or  Bagoses,  we 
may  be  assured  that  it  was  characterized  by  the  great- 
est cruelty  and  vindictiveness. 

223.  While  the  biblical  historians  pass  over  these 
events  with  a  silence  Vvdiich  is  exceedingly  suggestive, 
the  prophets  and  psalmists,  who  experienced  their  hor- 
rors, frequently  refer  to  them.  Isaiah  Ixiii.  7  to  Ixiv. 
12,  as  has  been  shown  (sect.  102),  without  much  doubt 
come  from  this  trying  epoch.  The  first  part  of  the 
section  consists  of  a  review  of  the  crises  in  Israel's  past 
history  when  Jehovah  delivered  his  people  and  con- 
cludes with  a  cry  almost  of  reproach,  because  he  has 
"  made  them  to  err  from  his  ways "  and  because  he 
apparently  pays  no  heed  to  the  overwhelming  misfor- 
tunes which  have  befallen  them.  "  His  sanctuary, 
which  his  holy  people  (a  term  begotten  by  the  Great 
Assembly)  possessed  but  a  little  while,  their  adversa- 
ries have  trodden  down"  (Ixiii.  18).  They  bitterly 
complain  that ''  Zion  has  become  a  wilderness,  Jerusa- 
lem a  desolation.  Our  holy  and  beautiful  house,  where 
our  fathers  praised  thee,  is  burned  with  fire ;  and  all 
our  pleasant  things  are  laid  waste  "  (Ixiv.  10, 11).  The 
entire  passage  is  wonderfully  suggestive  of  what  the 
feelings  of  the  community  were  in  the  presence  of  the 
great  calamity.  Most  painful  of  all  was  the  sense  of 
having  been  forsaken  by  Jehovah.  They  had  trusted 
that  he  would  deliver  them,  but  they  had  been  dis- 
appointed.    Their  woes  they  regarded  as  evidence  that 


THE   POLLUTION  OF  THE  TEMPLE  235 

they  had  sinned  in  his  sight.  They  who  had  prided 
themselves  upon  the  strict  observance  of  his  laws  were 
polluted  and  unclean.  The  old  problem  of  the  Book  of 
Job  was  now  the  problem,  not  merely  of  a  few  faithful 
ones,  but  of  the  community  as  a  whole.  Like  the  hero 
of  that  great  drama,  they  besought  Jehovah  by  some 
miraculous  interference  to  deliver  them  from  their 
calamities  and  to  vindicate  their  innocence. 

224.  The  seventy-fourth  and  seventy-ninth  psalms, 
which  reflect  precisely  the  same  historical  background 
as  the  passages  in  Isaiah,  complete  these  pictures  of 
disaster  and  despair.  Since  Judah  at  this  time  was 
pre-eminently  a  religious  community,  and  since  the 
motives  which  prompted  its  revolt  against  Ochus  were 
also  chiefly  religious,  the  wrath  of  the  Persians  was 
visited  especially  upon  the  temple  and  the  places  of 
worship.  In  the  light  of  these  psalms  it  is  possible  to 
follow  the  dissolute  and  pitiless  soldiers  of  Ochus  as 
they  entered  the  solemn  assembly  of  the  Jewish  people, 
uttering  rude  jeers  and  heaping  insults  upon  the 
gathered  worshippers.  Within  the  precincts  of  the 
temple,  they  set  up  their  hated  standards,  and  then  with 
axes  and  hammers  began  the  work  of  demolition. 
Soon  the  highly  prized  carving  and  ornaments  of  the 
sacred  structure  were  in  ruins.  By  fire  they  completed 
its  destruction  (Ixxiv.  3-7).  Not  content  with  polluting 
the  holy  shrine  with  their  vile  presence,  they  strewed  it 
and  Jerusalem  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the  faithful. 
Truly  could  it  be  said  of  the  mercenaries  of  Ochus,  that 
"  they  shed  blood  like  water"  (Ixxix.  2,  3).  After  the 
temple  and  Jerusalem  had  been  laid  waste,  they  turned 
tlieir  attention  to  the  synagogues  of  the  land.  Without 
exception,  they  were  burned  to  the  ground   (Ixxiv.  8  ; 


236     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

compare  Isa.  Ixiv.  10).  Through  the  same  psahiis,  we 
can  hear  the  sigh  of  the  prisoners,  some  condemned  to 
death,  and  some  to  deportation  to  a  distant  land 
(Ixxix.  11). 

225.  The  psahnists,  as  well  as  the  prophets,  were 
overwhelmed  with  fear  that  "  Jehovah  had  cast  off  his 
people"  (Ixxiv.  1).  Their  sense  of  being  deserted  was 
intensified  by  the  "scorn  and  derision  of  those  who 
were  round  about"  (Ixxix.  4).  Not  only  did  they 
pray  for  vengeance  upon  their  persecutors,  but  also 
that  "  the  revenging  of  the  blood  of  Jehovah's  servants 
which  is  shed  might  be  known  among  the  heathen" 
(Ixxix.  10).  The  reproach  of  their  neighbors  was  even 
harder  to  bear  than  actual  persecution  (Ixxix.  12,  13). 
The  loyal  work  of  Nehemiah  in  reviving  their  national 
strength  seemed  undone.  Again  the  Jews  were  the 
prey  of  their  ever-present  foes,  whose  hostility  had 
been  intensified  by  the  exclusive  attitude  of  the  Jeru- 
salem community.  The  Jewish  literature  of  the  few 
remaining  years  of  the  Persian  period  is  filled  with  pas- 
sionate prayers  for  a  si)eedy  deliverance  from  oppres- 
sion and  wrong,  and  for  vengeance  upon  their  merciless 
foes  (compare  Ps.  xciv. ;  Isa.  xxiv.  to  xxvii.).  In 
all  probability  the  main  sections  of  the  Book  of  Job 
(iii.  to  xxxi.  and  xxxviii.  1  to  xlii.  6)  were  written  at 
this  time.  Taking  the  familiar  story  of  Job  (Ezek.  xiv. 
14  ;  Job  i.,  ii.,  and  xlii.  4-17)  which  taught  the  time- 
honored  dogma  that  righteousness,  after  it  had  been 
tested  and  found  true,  will  bring  its  speedy  and  pro- 
portionate reward,  the  author  presented  in  the  experi- 
ences of  the  hero  the  new  and  more  painful  aspects  of 
the  old  problem.  The  questions  which  he  thus  treats, 
are  of  universal   human   interest ;  but  no  Jew  of  the 


MESSAGE   OF  THE  BOOK  OF  JOB  237 

period  would  fail  to  recognize  in  the  revised  story  of  the 
patriarch  Job  the  portrait  of  the  true  Israel,  created  by 
the  reformation  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra.  Although 
observing  most  punctiliously  all  the  demands  of 
Jehovah's  law,  the  Jewish  community,  like  the  Job  of 
the  poetical  sections,  had  been  overtaken,  for  some 
unknown  reason,  by  a  series  of  overwhelming  calamities, 
which  had  stripped  it  of  all  that  it  held  dear :  material 
prosperity,  physical  wellbeing,  and  beloved  children. 
While  conscious  of  its  own  innocence,  it  was  the  object 
of  the  taunts  of  its  neighbors,  who,  like  all  the  members 
of  that  ancient  world,  could  see  in  misfortune  only  the 
punishment  of  sin  (compare  even  John  ix.  1-3). 
Faithfully  and  dramatically,  the  great  prophet-sage 
presents,  in  the  dialogue  between  Job  and  his  friends, 
all  the  anguish  and  doubts  that  distracted  the  heart  of 
Judaism  at  this  crisis  in  its  history.  Sometimes  he 
uses  almost  the  very  words  of  contemporary  prophets 
and  psalmists.  He  does  not  stop,  however,  with  merely 
presenting  the  problem  in  its  new  aspect,  and  with  show- 
ing that  the  old  doctrine  of  proportionate  rewards  is 
sometimes  false.  He  has  a  positive  message,  and  this 
he  reveals  in  chapters  xxxviii.  to  xlii.  6.  In  its  first 
anguish,  and  as  it  considered  its  own  woes,  the  nation 
doubted  Jehovah's  justice  and  love.  Tlie  prophet-sage 
can  adduce  no  conclusive  proof  of  that  which  he 
believes,  but  with  inspired  tact  he  urges  his  nation  to 
take  a  broader  view  of  Jehovah's  rule  in  the  universe, 
to  recognize  how  circumscribed  is  man's  outlook,  to  note 
what  infinite  power  and  wisdom  is  revealed  in  the  realm 
of  nature,  and,  having  done  this,  to  be  silent  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Eternal  and  to  trust  his  wisdom  and  justice. 
226.   The  messages  of  such  inspired  teachers  as  the 


238     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

author  of  the  Book  of  Job  saved  the  faith  of  Judaism 
at  this  great  crisis  ;  but  it  is  not  surprising  that  they 
welcomed  the  prospect  of  the  speedy  dissohition  of  the 
corrupt  Persian  empire  (Jos.  Against  Ap.  i.  22),  and 
that  they  hoped  that  the  victorious  advance  of  Alexander 
represented  the  beginning  of  the  era  in  whicli  Jehovah 
would  "  turn  the  world  upside  down  "  and  punish  the 
arrogant  foes  of  his  people  and  vindicate  his  righteous 
ones  (Isa.  xxiv.).  When  the  Greek  rule  brought  little 
relief,  many  Palestinian  Jews  improved  the  opportunity 
to  turn  their  backs  upon  Judah,  with  all  its  discom- 
forts, and  to  find  new  homes  in  Egypt  and  northern 
Syria  (sects.  271,  272)  ;  but  the  faithful  who  remained 
behind  were  still  inspired  with  hopes  of  final  deliver- 
ance and  national  exaltation.  Meantime  they  clung 
to  the  law  of  Jehovah,  which  was  the  source  both  of 
their  persecution  and  their  joy,  with  the  energy  of 
despair.  The  temple  and  its  services  were  the  load- 
stone which  attracted  and  held  them. 

A  day  in  thy  courts  is  better  than  a  thousand. 

I  had  rather  be  a  doorkeeper  in  the  house  of  the  Lord 

Than  dwell  in  the  tents  of  wickedness/ 

expressed  the  feeling  of  those  zealots  who  remained 
in  the  land  of  Palestine.  Thus  the  last  century  of 
Persian  rule  witnessed  the  return  to  Palestine  of 
many  faithful  Jews,  the  institution  of  the  Priestly 
Law,  the  temporary  realization  of  long  cherished 
hopes,  the  second  great  overthrow  of  the  Jewish  state, 
and  the  pollution  of  the  temple.  During  this  period, 
usually  regarded  as  uneventful,  both  Samaritanism  and 
Judaism  were  born  and  nearly  attained  to  their  full 
stature. 

ilxxxiv.  10. 


XTII 

THE    OEIGIN   AND   ORGANIZATION    OF    PEE- 
HELLENISTIC   JUDAISM 

227.  In  the  light  of  the  peculiar  conditions  and  ex- 
periences which  were  the  lot  of  the  Jewish  race 
during  the  Persian  period  and  the  short  half  century 
preceding,  it  is  possible  to  understand  the  unique 
politico-religious  organism  which  is  designated  as 
Judaism.  An  historical  review  of  this  period  is  also 
the  key  to  the  intelligent  appreciation  of  that  miracle 
of  succeedino*  ao'es  which  we  behold  with  our  own 
eyes  in  the  Jews  of  to-day  ;  for  the  character  of  the 
Jewish  church,  which  so  stoutly  resisted  the  alien  in- 
fluences following  in  the  train  of  Alexander's  conquests, 
has  been  only  slightly  modified  during  the  intervening 
centuries.  Although  the  fact  is  often  ignored,  nothing 
is  more  obvious  than  that  the  type  of  religious  and 
social  life  which  centred  about  the  second  temple  was 
radically  different  from  that  w^hich  was  to  be  found 
in  the  land  of  Canaan  in  the  days  of  Isaiah  the  son 
of  Amoz.  Ancient  Hebrew  life  was  free  and  joyous  ; 
the  sense  of  Jehovah's  immediate  presence  was  strong. 
In  the  petty  things  of  daily  existence,  as  well  as  in 
matters  of  national  concern,  he  was  constantly  con- 
sulted through  prophets  and  priests ;  sacrifice  offered 
in    person   by    the   worshippers    at    the   many    local 


240     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

shrines  scattered  throughout  the  land  was  a  com- 
mon method  of  communing  with  him ;  while  he  him- 
self was  popularly  regarded  as  a  tribal  God,  well 
pleased  with  his  chosen  people. 

228.  With  Judaism  all  was  changed.  The  reform 
of  Josiah,  based  on  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy,  marked 
the  beginning  of  that  transformation ;  for  it  de- 
clared that  the  nation  had  sinned  grievously  against 
Jehovah,  and  presented  a  written  law  as  a  divine 
guide-book  for  the  people.  The  tendency  which  pro- 
duced Judaism — the  tendency  to  embody  Jehovah's 
revelation  of  his  will  in  a  system  of  precepts  intended 
to  regulate  both  belief  and  conduct,  and  so  to  make 
religion  a  law — was  strongly  developed  before  the 
exile.  The  principles  and  the  purposes  also  which 
actuated  the  men  who  were  instrumental  in  forming 
Judaism,  were  those  of  the  pre-exilic  prophets ;  but 
the  remarkable  conditions  v/hich  favored,  indeed  forced 
its  growth,  appear  in  the  two  centuries  and  a  half 
which  followed  the  first  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 
They  may  with  profit  be  briefly  recapitulated.  The 
overthrow  of  the  Judean  state,  not  only  left  the  Jews 
free  for  four  centuries  to  devote  all  their  time  and 
energies  to  religion,  but  also  made  it  necessary  for 
tliem  radically  to  reconstruct  the  external  form  of 
their  religious  life  so  that  it  might  exist  without  the 
political  organization  which  hitlierto  had  been  its  main 
support.  The  literary  habits  and  above  all  the  intense 
religious  zeal  of  their  conquerors,  the  Babylonians,  un- 
doubtedly  influenced  them.  Tlie  dazzling  spectacle  of 
lordly  temples  and  of  a  wealthy  influential  priesthood 
also  could  not  have  failed,  indirectly  at  least,  to  foster 
the  tendency  toward  ritualism,  already  strong  within 


INFLUENCES   WHICH   CREATED  JUDAISM  241 

the  hearts  of  the  exiles.  At  the  same  time  the  feel- 
ings of  doubt  and  uncertainty  which  seized  them,  as 
they  viewed  the  ruins  of  their  beloved  city  and  nation, 
and  recognized  that  many  of  the  articles  of  popular 
faith  which  they  had  accepted  unquestioningly  must 
be  abandoned,  led  them  to  turn  as  a  final  refuge  to 
the  externals  of  religion.  To  them,  as  to  many  tried 
souls  in  all  ages,  it  was  a  great  relief  to  be  able  to 
follow  implicitly  the  dictates  of  a  system  which  with 
authority  pointed  out  plainly  and  in  detail  the  way 
of  duty.  If  the  ignorant  masses  of  the  Jewish  race 
were  to  be  delivered  from  the  temptations  presented 
by  the  heathen  cults  with  which  they  were  thrown 
into  close  contact,  religion  must  be  made  objective. 
Especially  was  this  true  of  the  Jews  who  remained 
behind  in  Judah.  The  Priestly  Code  represented  the 
efforts  of  faithful  priests  and  scribes  to  meet  the 
varied  needs  of  their  race.  The  smallness  and  com- 
pactness of  the  Jewish  community  in  Palestine,  the 
liberal  religious  policy  of  the  Persians,  and  the  noble 
work  of  Nehemiah,  all  favored  the  efforts  of  the  zealous 
reformers  who  instituted  the  new  system.  The  malig- 
nant opposition  of  their  neighbors  forced  the  Jews 
to  draw  together  the  more  closely.  The  sympathy, 
the  reverence,  and  the  contributions  of  their  loyal 
brothers  beyond  the  bounds  of  Judah  upheld  and  en- 
couraged them.  The  dissenting  Samaritan  community 
drew  away  all  who  were  not  ready  to  swear  allegiance 
to  the  written  law.  Persecutions  only  intensified  the 
loyalty  of  the  Jews  to  a  system  for  which  many  of 
their  number  had  died.  The  furnace  of  affliction  in 
which  Judaism  was  cast,  burned  so  fiercely  and  long 
that  it  is  not  strange  that  it  has  successfully  resisted 

16 


242     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

the  man;^  disintegrating  forces  to  which  it  has  been 
subjected. 

229.  When  Nebuchadrezzar  dealt  the  final  blow  to 
the  tottering  Hebrew  monarchy,  he  prepared  the  way 
for  the  growth  of  the  Jewish  hierarchy.  Hitherto  the 
priesthood  had  been  dependent  upon  the  throne  for 
patronage  and  support;  but  henceforth  the  little  polit- 
ical authority  retained  by  the  Jews  was  gradually 
transferred  to  the  priesthood.  True,  Ezekiel  intro- 
duced a  civil  ruler  into  his  ideal  state,  Vjut  the  power 
of  his  prince  was  limited  to  collecting  the  revenues 
necessary  for  the  support  of  the  temple.  Jews,  like 
Zcrubbabel  and  Nehemiah,  occasionally  appointed  by 
the  Persian  monarchs  as  governors  of  Judah,  were 
only  shadowy  spectres  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  king. 
Many  who  claimed  direct  descent  from  David  and  the 
ancient  Judean  kings  were  found,  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence that  their  birth  gave  them  a  position  of  prestige 
(I.  Chrs.  iii.).  In  the  first  half  of  the  Persian  period, 
the  heads  of  the  different  tribal  and  town  orraniza- 
tions  still  regulated  the  local  affairs  of  the  community. 
Nehemiah  also  recognized  in  them  the  leaders  of  the 
commonwealth,  but  side  by  side  with  them  he  found 
a  priestly  aristocracy  which  was  beginning  to  over- 
shadow them.  As  the  prestige  of  the  temple  grew, 
the  influence  of  the  priesthood  increased  proportion- 
ally ;  while  that  of  the  civil  nobility  waned.  After 
the  establishment  of  the  hierarchy  through  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Priestly  Code,  both  religious  and  civil 
functions  were  again  wholly  centred  in  one  person, 
only  now  the  priest  had  absorbed  all  remnants  of  the 
power  once  exercised  by  his  royal  patron;  while  in 
ancient   Israel   the  king,  as  head  of  the  nation,  was 


THE   FUNCTIONS  OF  THE   HIGH   PRIEST  243 

originally  its  high  priest  as  well.     Then  the  state  was 
the  church ;  now  the  church  was  the  state. 

230.  Whether  or  not  the  Persian  government  rec- 
ognized the  authority  of  tlie  Jewish  high  priest  is 
uncertain.  A  passage  in  Josephus  suggests  that  it 
did  (Ant.  xi.  8,  3).  According  to  the  Priestly  Code, 
he  was  to  be  given  complete  control  of  the  people. 
By  the  beginning  of  the  Greek  period,  the  only  limita- 
tions to  his  power  were  the  dictates  of  the  foreign 
rulers  to  whom  the  Jews  were  subject,  and  the  will  of 
the  masses  to  whom  the  high  priest  usually  deferred. 
Like  the  kings  of  old,  he  was  anointed,  wore  the  purple 
and  a  crown,  and  enjoyed  royal  honors  ;  while  the 
representatives  of  the  old  secular  nobility  were  as- 
signed a  humble  place  in  his  petty  ecclesiastical  court. 
Also  like  the  ancient  Israelitish  kings,  he  represented 
the  nation  before  Jehovah.  He  alone  entered  the  holy 
of  holies.  He  alone  of  all  the  priests  wore  the  ephod 
with  the  Urim  and  Thummim,  and  he  it  was  who 
offered  the  great  sin-offering  of  the  people  before  the 
Lord  on  the  day  of  atonement  (Lev.  xvi.). 

231.  Under  the  high  priest  was  a  carefully  graded 
corps  of  temple  ministers  whose  respective  duties  are 
minutely  defined  in  the  Priestly  Code.  Naturally,  the 
members  of  his  family  not  only  shared  the  honors  of 
their  head,  but  were  also  assigned  the  most  desirable 
offices,  so  that  they  soon  constituted  the  ruling  aris- 
tocracy, and  in  time  coalesced  into  a  distinct  party, 
known  in  later  times  as  that  of  the  Sadducees,  the 
descendants  of  Zadok  who  was  placed  by  Solomon  in 
charge  of  the  Jerusalem  temple  (L  sect.  142).  Fol- 
lowing the  tendency  which  first  found  clear  expression 
in  the  writings  of  Ezekiel  (see  sect.  47),  the  Priestly 


244     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Code  drew  a  sharp  line  of  distinction  between  the 
priests  and  the  Levites.  It  traced  the  lineage  of  those 
priests  whom  it  recognized  as  legitimate  back,  to  the 
family  of  Aaron.  As  an  historical  fact,  they  were 
the  direct  or  traditional  descendants  of  "  the  priests, 
the  Levites,  the  sons  of  Zadok  "  (Ezek.  xliv.  15)  who 
ministered  at  the  pre-exilic  Jerusalem  temple.  By 
the  beginning  of  the  Greek  period,  they  were  divided 
into  twenty-four  classes  or  courses.  At  a  later  time, 
at  least  each  class  in  rotation  served  at  the  temple 
for  one  week.  According  to  the  chronicler,  the  priests 
constituted  a  large  proportion  of  the  total  population 
of  the  community.  In  the  census  contained  in  Ezra  ii., 
they  numbered  four  thousand,  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
nine. 

232.  The  chief  duties  of  the  priests  consisted  in 
presenting  before  Jehovah  the  various  offerings  which 
constituted  the  essential  part  of  the  temple  ritual, 
for  they  alone  were  qualified  according  to  the  Priestly 
Code  to  perform  this  service.  In  their  life  and  person, 
they  were  under  obligation  to  exemplify  the  sanctity 
of  their  task  and  the  holiness  of  the  God  whom 
they  served.  Any  physical  infirmity  permanently 
disqualified  them.  As  they  entered  upon  the  office 
(probably  at  the  age  of  twenty),  they  were  solemnly 
consecrated  for  their  work  by  means  of  ahlutions, 
sacrifices  and  pul)lic  anointing.  Henceforth,  the  tast- 
ing of  wine,  shaving  their  head  or  beard,  or  the  doing 
of  any  act  which  would  render  them  ceremonially 
unclean,  was  absolutely  forbidden  them.  Obviously 
the  idea  that  the  entire  nation  was  a  holy  nation  of 
priests  (Ex.  xix.  6)  underlies  the  institution  of  the 
priesthood,  but  in  time  holiness  was  so  strictly  defined 


POSITION  AND   DUTIES   OF  THE  LEVITES         245 

in  the  terms  of  ceremonial  cleanliness  that  the  mass 
of  the  people,  in  consequence  of  their  ordinary  occu- 
pations, were  disqualified.  Hence  the  priests  were  re- 
quired worthily  to  represent  the  people  before  Jehovah, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  guard  his  sanctuary  from 
profanation. 

233.  In  the  hierarchy,  the  Levites  were  the  servants 
of  the  priests  and  of  the  sanctuary.  According  to  the 
Priestly  Code,  they  were  given  to  the  priests  as  a  pos- 
session by  the  people  in  exchange  for  the  first  born 
of  each  Israelitish  family,  who  belonged  to  Jehovah 
(Num.  iii.).  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  earlier  times  priests 
and  Levites  together  constituted  the  tribe  of  Levi. 
Those  who  were  later  designated  as  Levites  were  the 
descendants  of  the  priests  who  had  ministered  at  the 
high  places  outside  Jerusalem,  which  were  discounte- 
nanced and  destroyed  at  the  time  of  Josiah's  reforma- 
tion. Ezekiel  plainly  declared  that  although  they  shall 
be  given  a  place  at  the  Jerusalem  temple,  their  posi- 
tion shall  be  a  menial  one,  because  in  the  past  they 
encouraged  the  people  in  what  he  and  his  generation 
regarded  as  gross  apostasy  (xliv.  10-14).  In  this  re- 
spect his  program  was  carried  out.  They  were  strictly 
excluded  from  the  first  positions  of  honor  and  responsi- 
bility ;  they  were  not  allowed  to  enter  the  inner  sanct- 
uary nor  to  approach  the  altar.  The  more  unpleasant 
tasks  were  assigned  to  them,  such  as  cleaning  the 
temple,  caring  for  the  sacred  vessels,  preparation  of 
the  showbread,  and  the  opening  and  closing  of  the 
doors.  Before  the  preliminary  reforms  of  Nehemiah 
were  instituted  (Neh.  xiii.  10-14),  their  means  of  sup- 
port were  very  uncertain.  It  is  not  surprising  that  at 
first  very  few  Levites  reported  at  the  temple.     Only 


246     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

with  much  difficulty  did  Ezra  persuade  thirty-eight 
to  return  with  him  in  his  expedition.  In  the  census 
contained  in  Ezra  ii.,  there  are  found  only  seventy- 
four,  as  compared  v/ith  over  four  thousand  priests. 
Nehemiah's  reforms  and  the  institution  of  the  Priestly 
Code  insured  to  the  Levites  a  definite  income  and  cer- 
tain rights  and  privileges,  so  that  from  that  time  on 
their  numhers  appear  to  have  rapidly  increased, 
especially  as  the  singers  and  doorkeepers  were  later 
added  to  their  ranks. 

234.  The  chronicler  distinguished  three  distinct 
classes  of  Levites :  (1)  those  who  were  assigned  to 
the  general  service  of  the  temple ;  (2)  the  snigers  or 
temple-musicians;  and  (3)  the  doorkeepers  (I.  Chrs. 
ix.  24-26  ;  xxiii.  5).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  early 
in  the  Greek  period,  the  temple-singers  were  classified 
as  Levites.  Although  there  are  references  to  song  and 
music  in  connection  with  the  ritual  before  the  exile, 
there  is  no  direct  evidence  that  it  was  given  over  to  an 
order  distinct  from  the  general  body  of  worshippers. 
Song,  to  the  accompaniment  of  instruments  played  by 
the  singers,  constituted  such  an  essential  part  of  the 
ritual  of  the  second  temple  that  a  special  class  of 
officials  gradually  grew  up  who  attained  to  an  even 
more  prominent  position  than  the  regular  Levites. 
The  chronicler  considered  them  so  important  a  part 
of  the  temple  corps  that  he  attributed  their  original 
appointment  to  Samuel  and  David.  According  to  him, 
they  were  divided  into  three  tribes  or  guilds,  bear- 
ing the  names  of  Asaph,  Heman,  Jeduthun  or  Ethan 
(L  Chrs.  xvi.  41  ;  xxv.  1,  6  ;  II.  Chrs.  v.  12 ;  xx.  19). 
In  the  older  census  of  Ezra  ii.,  only  one  guild,  that  of 
Asaph,  is  mentioned  ;  while  in  the  succeeding  century 


THE   DUTIES   OF  THE  TEMPLE-SINGERS  247 

the  temple-choirs  were  greatly  increased.  The  super- 
scriptions of  certain  psalms  suggest  that,  like  all 
minstrels  of  antiquity,  they  not  only  sang  but  often 
composed  the  words  of  their  songs.  Thus,  for  example, 
Psalms  1.  and  Ixxix.  are  assigned  to  the  sons  of 
Asaph,  Ixxxix.  to  Ethan,  and  xliy.  to  xlix.  to  the  sons 
of  Korah.  The  latter  guild  appears  to  have  been  sul)- 
ordinated  by  the  chronicler  in  his  general  classification 
to  that  of  Heman  (I.  Chrs.  vi.  33-37).  He  further 
states  that  the  singers  received  fixed  salaries  (Neh.  xi. 
23),  and,  like  the  priests,  were  divided  by  lot  into 
twenty-four  courses,  each  bearing  assumed  names 
like,  ''  I  have  magnified  "  and  "  I  have  exalted  help  " 
(I.  Chrs.  XXV.  8-31).  These  groups  probably  in  turn 
participated  in  the  public  service,  uniting  on  the  great 
feast  days  or  whenever  the  psalms  (of  which  several 
examples  have  been  preserved  in  the  Psalter),  con- 
taining strophies  and  antistrophies,  were  chanted. 
The  general  body  of  worshippers  appears  also,  as 
of  old,  to  have  participated  in  the  song-service  (Ps. 
xxvii.  6). 

235.  Repeated  references  in  the  Books  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  indicate  that  at  the  close  of  the  Persian 
period  still  another  group  of  servants  were  associated 
with  the  temple.  They  are  designated  as  the  Nethinim, 
"  the  given,"  and  the  children  of  Solomon's  servants 
(Ezra  ii.  43-58).  Three  hundred  and  ninety-two  are 
represented  in  the  census  of  Ezra  ii.  As  their  names 
suggest,  and  as  later  tradition  asserts,  they  were  prob- 
ably the  descendants  of  slaves  who  had  originally  been 
presented  to  the  temple  (compare  Ezck.  xliv.  7-9). 
To  them  were  undoubtedly  assigned  the  most  menial 
duties.     Being  virtually  possessions  of  the  temple,  they 


248     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

occupied  permanent  quarters  close  to  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts (Neb.  iii.  26,  31 ;  xi.  21). 

236.  The  same  conditions  ^Yhich  moulded  Judaism 
called  into  existence  a  new  type  of  religious  teachers, 
the  scribes.  Their  influence  steadily  increased  as  that 
of  the  prophets  waned,  so  that  at  the  close  of  the 
Persian  period  they  were  rapidly  becoming  the  domi- 
nant intellectual  leaders  in  the  Jewish  church.  By 
the  beginning  of  tlie  Greek  period,  they  were  organized 
into  guilds  for  the  pursuit  of  their  work  (I.  Chrs.  ii. 
Bb"),  To  them  were  due,  not  only  the  development  of 
the  Priestly  Code,  and  the  final  editing  of  the  Hcxateuch 
and  the  prophetical  writings,  but  also  the  interpreta- 
tion and  further  expansion  of  the  ceremonial  system 
by  means  of  the  traditional  oral  law.  Theirs  was  the 
work  which  is  recognized  in  the  comparatively  late 
tradition  respecting  the  "  Great  Synagogue."  Their 
activity  did  not  cease  with  editing,  interpreting,  and 
expanding  the  law ;  since  their  aim  was  to  influence 
their  fellow  Jews,  they  also  devoted  their  attention  to 
its  practical  application.  They  proved  far  more  zeal- 
ous champions  of  it  than  the  priests  themselves.  The 
scribes  first  began  the  general  education  of  the  masses. 
Under  their  thorough  tutelage,  the  Jewish  race  as  a 
whole  became  intimately  acquainted  with  the  details  of 
their  law. 

237.  The  work  of  the  scribes  was  greatly  facilitated 
by  the  institution  of  the  synagogue.  As  has  been 
noted,  it  grew  out  of  the  practical  needs  of  the  Jews 
in  the  dispersion  (sect.  37)  ;  but  with  the  institution 
of  the  Priestly  Code,  it  became  an  absolute  necessity  in 
Judah  also.  Without  its  popular  instruction  respect- 
ing the  detailed  demands  of  the  law,  the  success  of  tlie 


ORIGIN  AND  AIM  OF  THE  SYNAGOGUE  SERVICE      249 

sweeping  reforms  introduced  by  Nehemiah  and  Ezra 
would  have  been  impossible.  Deprived  of  the  privilege 
of  personally  participating  even  in  private  sacrifices, 
the  common  people  also  required  some  other  channel 
through  which  to  give  individual  expression  to  their 
religious  feelings.  The  synagogue  belonged  to  them, 
and  its  service  was  as  democratic  as  that  of  the  temple 
was  exclusive.  Instruction,  however,  not  worship,  was 
the  main  aim  in  its  organization.  Popular  ignorance  of 
the  law  was  no  longer  tolerated  ;  hence  just  such  oppor- 
tunities as  it  offered  were  demanded.  The  collections  of 
the  sacred  writings  by  the  scribes  furnished  the  material 
for  use  in  the  synagogue,  and  the  prevailingly  reveren- 
tial attitude  toward  the  teachings  of  the  past  provided 
the  incentive  for  study.  Although  the  chronicler  does 
not  use  the  word  synagogue  in  the  account  which  he 
gives  of  the  preliminaries  of  the  institution  of  the 
Priestly  Code,  he  presents  a  picture  of  a  synagogue 
service  which  is  remarkably  similar  to  those  of  later 
times.  It  included  prayer,  reading  of  the  law  and 
its  interpretation.  Thus  it  is  not  only  extremely 
probable  but  practically  certain  that  the  large  body 
of  zealous  Jews  who  returned  to  Palestine  in  the 
wake  of  the  reformation  of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra, 
brought  with  them  from  the  lands  of  the  dispersion 
the  institution  of  the  synagogue.  This  conclusion  is 
further  confirmed  by  the  reference  in  Psalm  Ixxiv.  8  ' 
"  They  have  burned  up  the  synagogues  of  God  in  the 
land,"  which  finds  its  background  in  the  cruel  revenge 
visited  upon  the  Jews  by  the  bloodthirsty  soldiers  of 
Ochus. 

238.    Obviously,  life  under  the  law  during  the  centu- 
ries immediately  following  the  great  priestly  reforma- 


250     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEAYISH  HISTORY 

tion  was  not,  as  is  sometimes  considered,  a  burden,  but 
a  joy.  The  early  scribes  were  not  the  enslavers  of  the 
people,  but  instead  consecrated,  zealous,  efficient  teach- 
ers who  by  their  faithful  instruction  pointed  out  to  the 
masses  the  way  of  righteousness,  and  gave  to  the  forms 
of  worsliip  a  meaning  which  they  had  never  before 
possessed.  The  new  demands  made  by  the  law  upon 
the  time  and  resources  of  the  Jcvv\s  only  gave  to  their 
life,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  exceedingly  bar- 
ren, a  definite  content.  The  temple  with  its  solemn 
worship,  its  songs,  and  its  impressive  sacrifices  to  atone 
for  the  sins  of  the  nation,  the  frequently  recurring 
feasts,  commemorating  important  national  and  reli- 
gious events  in  their  past  history,  and  the  democratic 
atmosphere  of  the  synagogue,  with  its  free  discussion 
and  constant  instruction,  imparted  to  their  religious 
life  a  variety  which  was  most  welcome.  While  the 
Jews  were  ruled  by  foreign  masters,  the  law  had  no 
rival  ;  hence  it  was  able  to  command  all  their  energies. 
At  the  same  time  it  gave  the  glad  assurance  to  its 
devotees  that  they  could  by  their  efforts  attain  to 
righteousness.  Thus  the  oppressive  sense  of  national 
sin,  which  since  the  beginning  of  the  Babylonian  exile 
had  saddened  and  crushed  the  faithful  members  of  the 
race,  at  last  was  partially  removed,  and  the  nation  and 
individual  rejoiced  in  the  possibility  of  winning  God's 
favor.  The  deep  popular  love  for  the  law  finds  joyous 
expression  in  many  of  the  psalms  : 

How  lovely  are  thy  tabernacles,  0  Lord  of  Hosts  ! 
My  soul    longs,   yea,  even   pines    for  the   courts    of   the 
Lord.i 

1  Ixxxiv.  1,  2. 


POPULAR  LOVE  FOR   THE  LAW  251 

Blessed  are  they  wliose  way  is  blameless, 

Who  walk  in  the  law  of  the  Lord. 

Give  me  understanding  that  I  may  keep  thy  law, 

That  I  may  observe  it  with  my  whole  heart. 

Make  me  to  go  in  the  path  of  thy  commandments, 

For  therein  do  I  delight. 

Oh  how  love  I  thy  law, 

It  is  my  meditation  all  the  day.^ 

To  the  great  majority,  the  observation  of  the  com- 
mands of  the  law  was  a  glad  privilege,  and  in  faithful 
obedience  to  that  wliich  to  them  was  the  will  of  God, 
they  doubtless  enjoyed  a  rich  blessing. 

1  cxix.  1,  34,35,  97. 


XIV 

THE  INNER  LIFE  AND  FAITH   OF  JUDAISM 

239.  The  psalms  reveal  the  real  depth  and  breadth 
of  the  religious  life  of  pre-Hellenistic  Judaism.  In 
them,  as  well  as  in  the  law,  the  great  truths  proclaimed 
by  the  earlier  prophets  lived  and  moulded  the  character 
and  faith  of  the  race.  They  also  show  how  intimate 
was  the  communion  between  the  individual  and  Jehovah. 
If  the  ordinary  Jew  could  not  sacrifice  upon  the  great 
altar  at  Jerusalem,  he  could  at  any  time  present  before 
the  divine  throne  his  offering  of  praise  and  his  fervent 
petitions  for  forgiveness  or  help.  Both  public  and 
private  prayer  were  exceedingly  common.  In  the 
presence  of  an  impending  calamity,  the  prophet  Joel 
urges  the  priests  to  "  weep  between  the  porch  and  the 
altar,"  and  to  pray  that  Jehovah  will  spare  and  deliver 
his  people  (Joel  ii.  17).  Psalm  xxvi.  12  speaks  of 
publicly  praising  God  in  the  congregations  (probably 
in  the  synagogue  services).  The  Psalter  contains 
prayers  voicing  both  the  supplications  of  the  com- 
munity and  of  the  individual.  Although  debarred 
from  performing  certain  rites  in  the  temple,  it  is  ob- 
vious that  in  the  Jewish  church  the  individual  enjoyed 
a  prominence  unknown  before  the  exile.  His  responsi- 
bilities were  also  increased,  as  his  knowledge  of  the 
demands  and  content  of  the  law  expanded.     The  com- 


INFLUENCE   OF   FOREIGN  RELIGIONS  253 

bination  of  stately  ritual,  of  song-service,  of  public 
and  private  prayer,  and  of  the  thorough  instruction 
of  the  synagogue  produced  on  the  whole  a  healthful 
and  attractive  type  of  religious  life  ;  at  least  it  was  far 
in  advance  of  that  which  it  superseded  in  Judah. 

240.  In  considering  the  peculiar  forms  and  tenets 
of  Judaism,  the  question  naturally  arises.  How  far 
were  they  the  result  of  foreign  influences  ?  The  op- 
portunities for  the  exertion  of  those  influences  were 
legion.  Judaism  gradually  assumed  form  during  the 
centuries  when  the  most  intelligent  and  active  members 
of  the  race  were  brought  into  personal  and  continued 
contact  with  the  dominant  peoples  of  the  age.  From 
the  Jews  of  the  dispersion  also  came  the  movement 
which  culminated  in  the  establishment  of  the  hierarchy 
and  the  rule  of  the  law.  Since  in  every  other  respect, 
their  habits  were  moulded  and  transformed  by  their 
new  environment,  it  would  have  been  strange  indeed 
if  their  religious  life  was  entirely  unaffected.  The 
first  two  sources  of  possible  influence,  Egypt  and 
Babylonia,  have  already  been  partially  considered. 
Their  most  important  effect  upon  the  faith  of  the 
Jews  was  negative ;  their  gross  polytheism  confirmed 
the  monotheistic  tendencies  of  those  who  were  loyal 
to  their  religion.  At  the  same  time  their  highly  de- 
veloped ritualism  and  their  priestly  hierarchies  must 
have  unconsciously  influenced  tlie  exiles  in  both  the 
East  and  the  West  to  regard  ceremonialism  as  the 
natural  and  true  expression  of  religion. 

241.  The  most  powerful  external  religious  influences, 
however,  came  from  the  Persians.  The  fact  that  the 
great  prophet  of  the  exile  hailed  Cyrus  as  Jehovah's 
Messiah  suggests  the  attitude   of  the  more  advanced 


254     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

Jewish  leaders  toward  the  conquerors  of  Babylon  and 
the  liberators  of  the  Jews.  The  chronicler  represents 
the  earlier  Persian  kings  as  recognizing  Jehovah 
(Ezra  i.  2).  Certainly  there  were  more  striking  re- 
semblances between  the  religious  beliefs  of  the  Per- 
sians and  of  the  Jews  than  between  those  of  any  other 
ancient  peoples.  Both  were  originally  proclaimed  by 
prophets,  and  both  laid  emphasis  on  moral  acts  ;  both 
declared  one  God  to  be  tlie  supreme  object  of  worship ; 
according  to  botli  it  was  unla\Yful  to  make  an  image 
of  the  deity ;  both  grew  more  and  more  intolerant 
toward  the  gods  of  other  peoples.  In  their  develop- 
ment, the  two  cults  presented  striking  points  of  simi- 
larity. While  both  were  originally  prophetic,  at  about 
the  same  date  they  became  ecclesiastical  religions,  with 
a  complex  priestly  code  which  was  regarded  as  given 
verbally  to  the  respective  founders  of  the  two  faiths, 
Zarathustra  (Zoroaster  of  the  Greek  historians)  and 
Moses.  In  many  details  the  two  systems  were  similar. 
For  example,  ceremonial  cleanliness  was  arbitrarily 
defined  ;  contact  Avith  certain  animals  or  with  a  dead 
body  brought  defilement,  and  one  of  the  most  strenu- 
ous commands  of  the  law  was  to  avoid  all  such  cere- 
monial impurity.  These  tendencies  certainly  cannot 
be  fairly  claimed  to  have  been  imparted  directly  from 
one  religion  to  the  other,  because  they  were  found  in 
germ  in  both  long  before  the  two  came  into  contact. 
At  the  same  time,  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that  the 
example  of  their  Persian  masters,  whom  the  Jews  at 
first  esteemed  so  highly  and  with  whom  those  in  the 
East  came  into  intimate  I'elations  (for  example,  the 
great  reformer  Nehemiah),  fostered  and,  possibly  in 
certain  details,  guided  the  development  of  the  move- 


GROWTH   OF   THE   BELIEF   IN  IMMORTALITY       255 

ment  which  produced  Judaism.  Similarly,  the  custom 
of  meeting  at  different  places  for  the  reading  of  sacred 
books,  for  prayer,  and  for  the  singing  of  songs,  which 
among  the  Jews  grew  into  the  synagogue  service,  was 
common  among  the  followers  of  Zarathustra. 

242.  Some  of  the  characteristic  tenets  of  Judaism 
have  been  traced  by  certain  scholars  directly  to  the 
Persian  religion.  It  is  an  established  fact  that  the  be- 
lief in  the  resurrection  and  future  rewards  for  the 
righteous  and  wicked  was  generally  accepted  by  the 
generation  to  whom  Zarathustra  preached.  Among 
the  Jews,  it  did  not  find  expression  until  after  the 
exile  and  at  first  only  sporadically.  Persian  influ- 
ence, in  all  probability,  favored  its  growth ;  but  the 
destruction  of  the  ancient  Hebrew  state,  the  immortality 
of  which  had  contented  earlier  generations,  and  the 
new  prominence  thereby  given  to  the  individual  opened 
the  religious  consciousness  of  the  Jewish  race  to  this 
great  truth.  The  author  of  the  Book  of  Malachi  speaks 
of  "  a  book  of  remembrance  which  was  written  be- 
fore the  Lord  for  them  that  feared  him  and  thought 
upon  his  name"  (iii.  16),  The  author  of  the  Book 
of  Job  was  eagerly  groping  in  this  direction,  and  had 
almost  found  the  clear  light  (xiv.  12-15 ;  xix.  25-27), 
A  prophet,  probably  writing  near  the  close  of  the 
Persian  period,  and  speaking  of  the  saints  in  the  Jewish 
community,  boldly  declares  :  "  Your  dead  shall  live  j 
my  dead  bodies  shall  rise.  Awake  and  sing,  0  dwellers 
in  the  dust :  for  a  dew  of  light  is  your  dew  and  the 
earth  shall  produce  the  shades  "  (Tsa.  xxvi.  19).  Cer- 
tain of  the  psalmists  avow  the  same  faith  ;  but  its 
general  acceptance  did  not  come  all  at  once  nor  in  one 
century,  as  might  be  expected  if  it  were  a  direct  im-. 


256     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

portation  from  Persia,  but  gradually.  By  the  begin- 
ning of  tlie  Maccabean  period,  many  —  perhaps  the 
majority  —  of  the  Jews  believed  in  the  resurrection 
of  the  dead,  but  even  then,  as  is  well  known,  the 
conservative  Sadducean  party  continued  stubbornly  to 
reject  it. 

243.  It  is  also  a  suggestive  fact  that  their  concep- 
tion of  the  functions  and  character  of  the  angelic 
messengers  rapidly  enlarged  during  the  period  when 
the  Jews  came  into  closest  contact  with  the  Persians, 
whose  religion  postulated  the  existence  of  a  host  of 
heavenly  beings  who  carried  out  the  will  of  the  deity. 
Again,  the  Persian  influence  was  probably  only  indirect, 
for  the  Hebrew  belief  in  angels  long  antedated  the 
exile.  The  added  prominence  given  to  them  in  the 
writings  of  such  prophets  as  Ezekiel  and  Zechariah 
w^as  undoubtedly  due  to  the  fact  that,  as  Jehovah  was 
then  rcGfarded  as  more  exalted  and  farther  removed 
from  man,  messengers  were  required  to  perform  his 
will  on  earth  and  to  communicate  between  him  and  his 
people.  Later  Judaism  conceived  of  a  highly  developed 
hierarcliy  of  angels  (compare  the  beginning  of  the  con- 
ception in  the  Book  of  Zechariah  and  its  full  develop- 
ment in  Daniel  and  Enoch).  Although  the  names 
given  to  these  heavenly  beings  are  of  Hebrew  origin, 
the  many  close  points  of  similarity  to  the  Persian 
system  suggest  a  more  direct  influence.  Especially 
is  this  conclusion  confirmed  when  we  find  that  one  of 
the  names  of  an  evil  angel  (Asmodeus  —  u.'Eshna-dcevd) 
has  been  adopted  from  the  Persian  into  Jewish  thought 
(Book  of  Tobit). 

244.  Still  another  striking  illustration  of  the  truth 
that  "  germs  which  lay  hidden  in  Judaism  were  fertil- 


GROWTH   OF  THE   BELIEF   IN   SATAN  257 

ized  by  contact  with  the  Persian  rehgion  "  is  found 
in  the  growing  belief  in  a  personal  spirit  of  evil  who 
is  hostile  to  Jehovah  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  indepen- 
dent of  him.  This  represented  a  wide  departure  from 
early  Hebrew  thought.  Such  a  late  writer  as  the 
great  prophet  of  the  exile  distinctly  asserted  in  the 
name  of  Jehovah  :  "  I  form  the  light  and  create  dark- 
ness :  I  make  peace  and  create  evil :  I  am  the  Lord 
that  doeth  all  these  things "  (Isa.  xlv.  7).  Hereto- 
fore the  teachers  of  his  race  had  assumed  this  truth. 
Its  assertion  suggests  that  it  had  been  called  in  ques- 
tion either  by  contact  with  the  Persians,  who  saw  in 
the  universe  a  constant  struggle  between  Ahura  Mazda 
(Ormuzd),  the  spirit  of  good,  and  Angra-Mainyus 
(Ahriman),  the  spirit  of  evil,  and  their  hosts  of  fol- 
lowers, divine  and  human,  or  else  the  prophet  found  the 
idea  in  the  minds  of  his  fellow-exiles.  Such  an  expla- 
nation of  evil  was  most  natural,  and  the  belief  in  evil 
as  well  as  good  spirits  was  common  in  early  Semitic 
religions.  The  Hebrew  germ  is  found  in  I.  Kings  xxii. 
19-23,  where  a  prophet  in  the  days  of  Ahab  vividly 
presents  a  scene  from  the  councils  of  Jehovah,  in 
which  a  certain  spirit  volunteers  and  is  commissioned 
to  be  a  lying  spirit  in  the  mouth  of  Ahab's  prophets, 
that  thereby  the  king  may  be  deceived.  In  the  vision 
of  Zechariah  contained  in  the  third  chapter  of  his 
prophecy,  there  appears  to  accuse  Joshua,  the  high 
priest,  an  angel  who  bears  for  the  first  time  in  Jewish 
literature  the  title,  "  Satan,"  the  "Adversary."  He  is 
obviously  a  regularly  accredited  official  of  heaven  whose 
duty  it  is  to  present  before  Jehovah's  tribunal  the 
charges  against  mankind  ;  but,  as  his  title  and  Jeho- 
vah's  rebuke   suggest,  he   is,   if   not   actually  hostile 

17 


258     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

toward  mankind,  at  least  lacking  in  the  divine  spirit  of 
charity.  In  the  dramatic  prologue  to  the  Book  of  Job, 
"  Satan  "  is  still  the  title  of  a  trusted  official ;  but  his 
attitude  is  more  clearly  antagonistic  toward  mankind, 
for  he  skilfully  devises  methods  whereby  the  righteous 
Job  may  be  led  to  commit  sin.  The  adversary  has  be- 
come a  tempter.  The  chronicler  strikingly  illustrates 
the  remarkable  development  of  this  belief  in  the  personi- 
fication of  evil,  for  in  his  reproduction  of  the  original 
passage  in  II.  Samuel  xxiv.  1,  which  reads :  "  Again 
the  anger  of  the  Lord  was  kindled  against  Israel  and 
he  moved  David  against  them,  saying,  Go,  number 
Israel  and  Judah,"  he  reads  :  "  Satan  stood  up  against 
Israel  and  moved  David  to  number  Israel "  (I.  Chrs. 
xxi.  1).  When  Satan  next  emerges  into  prominence 
in  Jewish  literature,  he  is  a  distinct  personality,  at 
enmity  with  Jehovah  and  righteousness,  gifted  with 
power  almost  equal  to  that  of  God  himself,  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  hierarchy  of  evil  spirits,  correspond- 
ing to  the  spirits  of  light  who  do  the  will  of  the 
Lord. 

245.  The  defects  and  evils  in  Judaism  were  plainly 
revealed  in  later  times,  when  they  were  exaggerated,  and 
especially  when  they  were  brought  into  strong  contrast 
with  the  teachings  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The  tendency 
to  substitute  ceremonial  for  genuine  righteousness,  and 
to  ask,  not  what  is  right,  but  what  does  the  law  say,  was 
by  no  means  a  new  one  in  Israel's  history  (compare 
Am.  iv.  4,  5;  v.  22-24;  Mi.  vi.  6-8).  Some  of  the 
apparently  meaningless  distinctions  between  animals 
clean  and  unclean  represent  survivals  from  the  heathen 
past.  Certain  of  the  laws  of  ceremonial  purity  were 
both  absurd  and  harmful,  for  they  branded  as  unclean 


SPIRITUAL   LIFE   REFLECTED  IN  THE   PSALMS     259 

the  humble  toilers  of  Judah  ;  while  those  who  possessed 
wealth  and  leisure,  so  that  they  could  live  in  strict 
accord  with  the  demands  of  the  law,  gained  a  false  and 
odious  sense  of  their  own  righteousness.  This  in  many 
cases  became  mere  hypocrisy.  The  great  privileges 
and  income  granted  to  the  priestly  class  by  the  law 
often  tended  to  make  them  all  the  more  grasping.  The 
words  with  which  Jeremiah  condemned  the  corrupt 
priesthood  of  his  day,  in  time  became  doubly  appro- 
priate :  "  Is  this  house  which  is  called  by  my  name 
become  a  den  of  robbers  in  your  eyes  ?"  (vii.  11). 

246.  The  psalms  which  voice  the  better  conscience 
of  Judaism  indicate,  however,  that  there  were  many 
who  retained  a  true  estimate  of  the  relative  importance 
of  moral  and  ceremonial  righteousness.  Through  them 
the  messages  of  the  prophets  live  again.  Since  the 
prophecies  were  regularly  read  in  the  synagogues, 
extreme  ceremonialism  could  never  sweep  all  before  it. 
Beautifully  the  author  of  Psalm  xv.  indicates  the  true 
requirements  for  admission  to  Jehovah's  holy  temple : 
upright  conduct,  purity  of  purpose,  freedom  from  such 
vices  as  slander  and  treachery,  antagonism  to  evil,  love 
of  the  right,  unswerving  integrity,  generosity  toward  the 
needy,  and  impartial  justice.  Repeatedly  the  psalmists 
emphasize  the  truth  so  subversive  to  extreme 
ritualism  : 

For  thou  deliglitest  not  in  sacrifice,  — 

Else  would  I  offer  it ; 

Thou  hast  no  pleasure  in  burnt  offerings. 

The  sacrifices  of  God  are  a  broken  spirit, 

A  broken  and  a  contrite  heart, 

0  God,  thou  dost  not  despise.^ 

1  H.  16,  17  ;  compare  xl.  6. 


260     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

The  breadth  of  vision  of  the  author  of  Psahn  L,  who 
evidently  lived  when  formalism  w^as  beginning  to  chill 
the  heart  of  Judaism,  is  amazing : 

I  do  not  reproach  you  for  your  sacrifices ; 

Nor  for  your  burnt  offerings, 

Which  are  continually  before  me. 

I  wish  no  bullocks  out  of  your  house, 

Nor  he-goats  out  of  your  folds. 

For  every  beast  of  the  forest  is  mine, 

And  the  cattle  upon  a  thousand  hills. 

Whoso  oifers  the  sacrifice  of  thanksgiving 

Glorifies  me  ; 

And  to  him  who  orders  his  way  aright 

Will  I  show  the  salvation  of  God.^ 

247.  With  these  songs  on  their  lips,  the  Jews  could 
never  be  entirely  lulled  to  sleep  by  a  ritual.  Glori- 
ous hopes  of  national  vindication  and  exaltation  also 
inspired  and  united  them.  The  psalms  and  prophecies 
of  the  period  are  full  of  Messianic  predictions  ;  but  the 
real  danger  was  that  their  national  ideals  would  become 
selfish  and  sordid.  The  great  prophet  of  the  exile  had 
proclaimed  that  they  had  been  chosen  by  Jehovah  that 
they  might  be  his  witnesses  to  the  world.  Plainly  he 
showed  them  that  their  true  glory  was  to  be  found  in 
voluntary  self-sacrifice.  The  moment  they  recognized 
that  Jehovah  was  not  merely  a  tribal  God,  but  the 
supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe,  their  responsibility 
to  the  nations  of  the  world  confronted  them.  "  There 
is  but  one  God  and  Israel  is  his  prophet "  was  the 
logical  watchword  of  Judaism.  Not  only  tlie  great 
prophet  of  the  exile,  but  also  his  immediate  successors 

1  1.  8-10.  23. 


THE   JEWISH  ATTITUDE   TOWARD   FOREIGNERS    261 

appreciated  the  missionary  responsibilities  of  their  race. 
Zechariah  declared :  "  Many  nations  shall  join  them- 
selves to  the  Lord  in  that  day,  and  shall  be  my  people  " 
(ii.  11^).  In  one  of  his  latest  sermons,  he  announced  the 
divine  purpose  still  more  plainly  :  ''  It  shall  come  to  pass 
that  as  you  were  a  curse  among  the  nations,  0  house  of 
Judah  and  house  of  Israel,  so  will  I  save  you  and  you 
shall  be  a  blessing "  (viii.  13).  His  closing  words 
proclaim  that  "  many  peoples  and  strong  nations  shall 
come  to  seek  the  Lord  of  hosts  in  Jerusalem  and  to  en- 
treat the  favor  of  the  Lord.  Thus  saith  the  Lord  of 
hosts  :  '  In  those  days  ten  men  shall  take  hold,  out  of 
all  the  languages  of  the  nations,  shall  even  take  hold 
of  the  skirt  of  him  that  is  a  Jew,  saying,  We  will  go 
with  you,  for  we  have  heard  that  God  is  with  you' "  (viii. 
22,  23).  The  psalms  contain  many  passages  in  which 
the  universal  character  of  Jehovah's  kingdom  is  plainly 
declared  (for  example,  Ixvii. ;  Ixxxvi.  9 ;  Ixxxvii.  4,  6  ; 
cii.  15-22).  There  is  clear  evidence  that  during  the 
first  century  of  the  Persian  period  the  Jewish  commu- 
nity received  many  foreigners  into  its  midst.  The 
author  of  Isaiah  Ivi.  3-8  undoubtedly  expresses  the 
attitude  of  at  least  the  more  progressive  Jews  of 
Palestine.  He  assures  the  strangers  who  had  united 
with  the  community  that  they  need  not  fear  that 
Jehovah  would  separate  them  from  his  people.  All 
who  love  the  Lord,  faithfully  serve  him,  observe  the 
Sabbath  and  the  terms  of  his  covenant,  shall  be  freely 
admitted  to  the  services  of  the  temple,  and  their  offer- 
ings accepted,  since  Jehovah's  '^  house  shall  be  called  a 
house  of  prayer  for  all  peoples."  He  adds  that  it  is 
Jehovah's  purpose  to  gather  others  to  him  besides  his 
own  that  are  gathered. 


262     THE   PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

248.  The  reasons  why  this  early  proselyting  move- 
ment ended  abruptly  have  already  been  considered 
(sects.  206).  The  trouble  was  primarily  with  the 
Judean  community  itself ;  it  was  not  able  to  assimilate 
many  heathen  elements  with  impunity.  Contrary  to 
their  later  attitude,  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion  dur- 
ing the  Persian  period  were  much  more  strenuously 
opposed  to  admitting  foreigners  into  their  ranks  than 
those  in  Palestine.  The  result  was  that,  when  their 
influence  became  dominant  in  Judah  through  the  insti- 
tution of  the  Priestly  Code,  the  rest  of  the  world  was 
practically  excluded  by  the  high  wall  of  separation 
which  was  reared.  The  door  of  Judaism,  however,  was 
not  entirely  closed  to  the  outside  world.  The  clause  in 
the  older  Deuteronomic  law  which  admitted  the 
descendants  of  the  Egyptians  in  the  third  generation, 
and  even  the  hated  Edomites,  was  not  erased  (xxiii.  7, 
8).  In  the  Priestly  Code  "  the  strangers  who  sojourn 
among  them"  are  subject  to  the  same  laws  and  enjoy 
the  same  social  and  religious  privileges  as  the  Jews 
themselves  (Lev.  xvii.  8,  10,  12,  13  ;  Num.  ix.  14). 
Evidently  in  all  these  passages  the  reference  is  to  the 
proselytes  who  have  conformed  to  all  the  requirements 
of  the  Jewish  law,  and  have  in  turn  been  fully  adopted 
by  the  community.  Exodus  xii.  48  plainly  states  that 
all  such,  who  submit  to  the  rite  of  circumcision,  shall 
be  on  a  perfect  equality  with  the  native  born  Jews. 
Through  this  narrow  door  came  the  thousands  of  pros- 
elytes who  were  attracted  to  Judaism  during  the  Roman 
period. 

249.  During  the  two  centuries  following  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Priestly  Code,  any  earlier  impulses  toward 
proselyting  were  stifled.     Within   their   high  wall  of 


THE   MESSAGE   OF  THE   BOOK  OF  JONAH         263 

separation,  the  Jews,  intent  on  following  the  details  of 
their  law,  almost  forgot  that  Jehovah  was  God  not 
merely  of  their  nation,  but  of  the  nations.  Hatred, 
begotten  by  the  wrongs  which  they  had  suffered  from  the 
heathen,  took  the  place  of  missionary  zeal.  When  they 
thought  of  their  neighbors,  it  was  to  pray  for  their 
speedy  destruction  rather  than  for  their  salvation.  Self- 
righteous,  because  they  considered  that  they  alone  were 
observing  the  law  of  God,  they  regarded  the  rest  of  the 
human  family  as  unclean.  The  bitter  struggles  of  those 
trying  centuries  were  not  calculated  to  arouse  a  deep 
love  for  the  peoples  with  whom  they  came  into  contact. 
250.  Only  a  few  inspired  souls  kept  before  their 
eyes  the  real  mission  of  their  race  and  the  true 
character  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  Occasionally,  a 
psalmist  echoed  the  noble  ideals  of  the  earlier 
prophets ;  but  the  author  of  the  marvellous  little 
Book  of  Jonah  alone  fully  appreciated  and  clearly 
pointed  out  to  his  race  how  inconsistent  and  con- 
temptible was  their  attitude  toward  the  rest  of  man- 
kind, who  like  themselves  were  the  objects  of  Jehovah's 
unbounded  love.  He  appears  to  have  taken  the  out- 
lines of  a  popular  story,  associated  with  the  name  of 
Jonah  the  son  of  Amittai,  a  prophet  who  during  the 
reign  of  Jeroboam  II.  predicted  Israel's  victory  over 
her  foes  (II.  sect.  79),  to  illustrate  his  inspired,  but  to 
his  contemporaries  exceedingly  unpalatable  message. 
He  also  employs  the  imagery  of  a  well-known  Semitic 
myth  of  a  great  sea-monster  w^hich  in  Hebrew  prophetic 
typology  represents  the  world-powers  which  prey  upon 
the  weaker  nations,  and  especially  upon  Israel  (Isa. 
xxvii.  1).  Like  the  Great  Teacher,  the  prophet  freely 
recasts  these  elements,  gleaned  from  the  popular  con- 


264     THE  PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

sciousness,  into  the  form  of  a  parable,  replete  with 
deep  spiritual  truth.  Its  application  is  obvious,  and 
was  doubly  so  to  his  contemporaries,  who  were  familiar 
with  its  imagery. 

251.  Jonah  is  a  perfect  type  of  narrow  Judaism 
during  the  period  under  consideration.  Perversely 
blind  is  Jehovah's  servant  whom  he  has  sent.  He  is 
ready  to  do  anything  rather  then  execute  Jehovah's 
command  to  preach  to  the  enemies  of  his  race.  As 
he  clearly  declares,  his  reason  for  fleeing  from  the 
land  of  Israel  was  not  because  he  feared  the  Ninevites, 
but  because  he  was  afraid  that  they  would  listen  to 
his  message  of  warning.  If  they  did  so,  he  knew  that 
Jehovah  was  "  a  gracious  God  and  full  of  compassion, 
slow  to  anger  and  plenteous  in  mercy,"  and  that  when 
they  repented  he  would  not  destroy  them  (iv.  2). 
Like  the  Jewish  race,  he  stood  in  a  unique  relation  to 
Jehovah,  and  in  unfavorable  contrast  to  the  representa- 
tives of  heathendom,  who  according  to  their  light  are 
pictured  as  faithfully  serving  the  gods  whom  they 
knew.  The  repentance  of  the  Ninevites  and  their 
forgiveness  by  Jehovah  recall  the  words  of  the  author 
of  the  Book  of  Malachi,  who,  in  condemning  the  mean- 
ness of  the  Jews  toward  their  God,  declared  that  "  from 
the  east  to  the  west  Jehovah's  name  was  great  among 
the  Gentiles,  and  that  in  every  place  incense  and  a  pure 
oblation  are  offered  to  his  name  "  (i.  11).  To  a  Jew, 
the  manner  in  which  Jonah  turned  from  Jehovah,  and 
sought  refuge  from  him  on  the  troubled  sea,  would 
suggest  the  mad,  perverse  conduct  of  his  Hebrew  fore- 
fathers, who  likewise  turned  from  Jehovah  and  sought 
to  escape  his  inexorable  command  on  the  perilous  sea 
of  Oriental  politics.     Similarly,  the  great  fish  which 


THE  PARABLE  OF  JONAH  265 

rose  out  of  that  sea  to  devour,  and  at  the  same  time,  in 
God's  providence,  to  preserve  his  servant,  would  at  once 
recall  their  experiences  in  Babylon.  A  prophet  of  the 
exile  had  already  employed  the  same  figure  in  refer- 
ring to  the  fate  of  his  people  :  "  Nebuchadrezzar  the 
king  of  Babylon  has  devoured  me  and  crushed  me  .  .  . 
he  has  swallowed  me  up  like  a  great  sea-monster, 
filling  his  maw  from  my  delights,  he  has  cast  me  out " 
(Jer.  li.  34).  In  the  following  verses  (44,  45),  Jehovah 
replies  to  the  lament  of  the  exiled  nation  :  "  I  will 
punish  Bel  in  Babylon,  and  I  will  bring  out  of  his 
mouth  that  which  he  has  swallowed.  .  .  .  My  people, 
go  out  of  the  midst  of  her."  Like  Jonah,  the  Jews,  dis- 
ciplined and  instructed  by  their  experience,  recognized 
(as  the  words  of  the  great  prophet  of  the  exile  indicate) 
Jehovah's  call  to  proclaim  his  message  to  the  heathen 
world.  Jonah's  brief  words  of  warning,  presented 
under  compulsion,  and  his  contemptible  complaining, 
because  Jehovah  had  spared  the  foes  of  his  race,  and 
because  some  petty  discomforts  had  come  to  him,  com- 
plete this  uniquely  remarkable  sketch  of  Hebrew  and 
Jewish  history. 

252.  With  the  Jews,  the  parable  was  a  favorite  method 
of  presenting  truth,  but  in  simplicity,  in  graphicness, 
and  in  fidelity  to  human  character  and  motives,  the 
picture  painted  by  the  unknown  author  of  this  little 
book  is  comparable  only  to  those  flashed  before  the 
eyes  of  the  humble  Galileans  by  him  who  "  spoke  in 
parables."  The  prophecy  abounds  in  rich  truths  which 
only  those  who  have  stumbled  over  the  miraculous 
coloring  of  the  story  have  failed  to  appreciate.  The 
more  important  are  :  (1)  God  is  infinitely  more  loving 
and  compassionate  than  his  people  would  make  him  ; 


266     THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

(2)  He  is  ready  to  pardon  all,  irrespective  of  race,  who 
sincerely  crave  his  mercy ;  (3)  the  Jewish  people  were 
trained  and  commissioned  to  proclaim  his  will  to  the 
nations ;  (4)  refusal  to  carry  out  his  divine  purpose 
will  bring  certain  judgment,  although  he  will  ever  be 
ready  to  forgive  and  restore  his  prophet-nation,  when- 
ever defiance  is  changed  to  penitence.  The  subsequent 
history  of  the  Jews  strikingly  illustrates  this  last 
principle.  Too  late,  they  awoke  to  their  duty  and  oppor- 
tunity. Race-pride,  unbending  ceremonialism,  narrow- 
ness, and  inertness  in  many  of  its  parts,  made  the 
earnest  and  in  many  ways  noble  attempt  of  Judaism 
in  the  Roman  period  to  proselyte  the  world  a  tragic 
failure,  except  that  it  prepared  the  way  for  the  con- 
quests of  Christianity. 

253.  The  characteristic  of  pre-Hellenistic  Judaism 
which  most  impresses  itself  is  its  many-sidedness. 
The  whole  was  a  strange  bundle  of  contradictions. 
While  the  Jews  conceived  of  Jehovah  as  a  universal 
God,  they  acted  as  though  he  was  only  a  tribal  deity, 
jealously  guarding  their  race,  and  hostile  to  the  rest 
of  mankind ;  while  they  declared  that  he  was  the 
Creator  and  Ruler  of  the  whole  universe,  and  God  of 
the  heavens,  they  proclaimed  that  sacrifice  could  be 
presented  to  him  only  on  the  sacred  temple  mount ; 
while  they  sang,  "  Thou  hast  no  pleasure  in  burnt 
offering,"  they  devoted  their  best  energies  to  keeping 
up  an  elaborate  sacrificial  system ;  while  they  taught 
that  Jehovah  was  morally  righteous,  and  demanded 
the  same  quality  in  his  people,  they  gave  their  chief 
attention  to  observing  the  often  grotesque  laws  of 
ceremonialism  ;  while  they  regarded  him  as  the  source 
alike  of   all  good  and   evil,  they  entertained  a  grow- 


THE   INCONSISTENCIES   OF  JUDAISM  267 

ing  belief  in  a  personal  prince  of  evil,  antagonistic 
to  Jehovah  and  in  a  sense  independent  of  him;  while 
they  believed  that  God's  richest  blessings  were  moral 
and  spiritual,  the  chief  hopes  which  they  cherished, 
were  that  they  might  behold  the  overthrow  of  their 
foes  and  the  establishment  of  a  temporal  kingdom 
in  which  they  themselves  would  rule  over  the  nations. 
These  strilving  inconsistencies  were  the  natural  con- 
sequence of  the  fact  that  Judaism  drew  its  ideas 
from  many  different  sources  and  ages,  and  was  itself 
the  product  of  a  great  variety  of  forces.  It  was  the 
repository  of  much  heathen  rubbish,  as  well  as  of  the 
most  precious  religious  truth  revealed  to  the  human 
race.  The  crying  need  of  Judaism  and  of  mankind 
was  not  for  the  temporal  Messiah  of  popular  expecta- 
tion, but  for  one  divinely  gifted  and  commissioned  to 
bring  order  out  of  this  chaos,  to  distinguish  between 
the  gold  and  the  dross,  to  unite  the  true  and  the 
eternal  into  a  consistent  system,  and,  above  all,  to 
impart  to  the  whole  the  breath  of  life.  Until,  in 
God's  good  providence,  that  Anointed  One  was  sent, 
Judaism,  sometimes  at  the  cost  of  its  life  blood,  faith- 
fully guarded  the  treasures  intrusted  to  its  keeping. 


PART  III 

THE   GREEK    PERIOD   OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE  HISTOEICAL   SOURCES   AND   LITERATUEE 

254.  The  conquest  of  Palestine  by  Alexander  in 
332  B.  c,  inaugurated  the  Greek  period  of  Jewish 
history ;  but  its  close  is  not  so  definitely  marked.  If 
it  be  made  to  include  those  centuries  when  Greek 
language,  customs,  and  ideas  were  the  dominant  foreign 
influences  in  Jewish  life,  it  would  extend  beyond  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  century.  If  its  limit  be 
decided  on  political  grounds,  there  is  still  opportunity 
for  a  difference  of  opinion,  for  the  Jews  did  not  all 
at  once  and  finally  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Alexander's 
successors.  The  year  165  b.  c,  which  marks  the  third 
great  victory  of  the  Jews  over  their  former  Syrian 
masters,  and  the  rededication  of  the  temple,  has  been 
adopted  as  the  limit  of  the  Greek  and  the  beginning 
of  the  Maccabean  period.  Many  times  later,  the  Jews 
fell  a  prey  to  Syrian  armies,  and  Avere  forced  tem- 
porarily to  acknov/ledge  the  rule  of  the  Seleucids ; 
but  the  victories  of  165  b.  c.  secured  for  them  per- 
manently the  most  coveted  fruits  of  independence, 
and  turned  back  the  Avave  of  Greek  influence,  which 
hitherto  had  threatened  to  engulf  everything  distinc- 
tively Jewish.  Henceforth,  there  was  never  wanting 
a  well-organized  native  party  in  Judah  which  defied, 
by   force    of   arms   and   with   increasing   success,  the 


272       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OE  JEWISH  HISTORY 

claims  of  Syria.  In  165  B.  c,  the  Maccabean  kingdom 
was  born,  and  therefore  then  the  Maccabean  period 
properly  begins. 

255.  Respecting  the  first  century  and  a  half  of  the 
Greek  period,  the  Jewish  historians  are  almost  silent. 
Josephus  alone  has  preserved  a  few  traditions.  The 
inner  life  and  thought  of  the  Judean  community  is 
reflected  in  three  distinctly  different  types  of  Old 
Testament  books.  It  was  during  this  period  that  the 
chronicler  (between  300  and  250  B.  c,  compare  sects. 
88,  89)  wrote  his  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  Hebrew 
nation  contained  in  I.  and  II.  Chronicles  and  Ezra- 
Nehemiah.  If  he  naively  read  into  the  earlier  epochs 
the  conditions  and  current  traditions  of  his  own  times, 
his  work  thereby  becomes  a  most  valuable  historical 
source  for  this  period  regarding  which  light  is  so 
much  needed.  The  desire  to  deceive  was  so  foreign 
to  him  that  he  leaves  no  doubt  respecting  his  late 
point  of  view.  For  example,  in  describing  Solomon's 
sanctuary,  he  often  has  in  mind  the  second  temple. 
Its  services  are  far  more  elaborate  than  those  of  the 
shrine  described  in  Samuel-Kings.  One  of  its  gates 
even  bears  the  Persian  name  "  Parhar  "  (I.  Chrs.  xxvi. 
18).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  his  earnest  zeal 
to  trace  to  tlie  sacred  past  the  origin  of  those  institu- 
tions which  he  and  his  generation  cherished  and  revered 
so  highly,  he  performed  a  far  greater  service  than  if 
he  had  merely  realized  his  ideal  to  write  a  second  his- 
tory of  ancient  Israel.  ITis  significant  omissions,  as 
well  as  his  revision  of  the  older  histories  contained  in 
Samuel-Kings,  also  vividly  reveal  the  different  stand- 
ards of  the  later  age  in  which  he  lived. 

256.  The  marked  differences  in  language,  ideas,  and 


DATE  OF  ZECHARIAH  IX.   TO  XIV.  273 

allusions  between  the  first  eight  and  the  last  six 
chapters  of  the  book  which  at  present  bears  the  name 
of  the  Zechariah  who  with  Haggai  encouraged  his 
countrymen  to  rebuild  their  ruined  temple,  have  led 
scholars  generally  to  recognize  in  them  the  work  of 
different  hands.  The  date  of  the  unknown  writer,  or 
possibly  writers,  of  the  last  six  chapters  is  one  of  the 
complicated  problems  of  the  Old  Testament.  At  first 
glance,  the  references  to  Ephraim,  Damascus,  Assyria, 
and  Egypt  (ix.)  point  to  some  period  before  the 
exile  when  these  kingdoms  still  existed.  Certainly 
the  centuries  of  Babylonian  and  Persian  rule  furnish 
no  satisfactory  background.  After  the  division  of 
Alexander's  empire,  however,  Judah  became  the  bone 
of  contention  between  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  and  the 
Seleucids  of  Syria.  By  the  Jews,  who  in  the  later 
days  lived  so  much  in  the  past,  the  names  of  the  old 
foes  of  their  race,  Egypt  and  Assyria,  were  used  to 
designate  these,  their  new  oppressors  (compare  Lsa. 
xxvii.  13;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  8).  Similarly,  Ephraim  and 
Israel  were  the  terms  applied  to  the  Jewish  community, 
"  the  true  Israel,"  which  represented  the  old  Hebrew 
state.  The  many  direct  and  indirect  quotations  from 
the  pre-exilic  and  exilic  prophets  indicate  that  the 
present  chapters  were  written  in  the  late  Jewish  period, 
when  the  Jews  began  to  study  closely  their  sacred 
scriptures.  The  promise  in  ix.  8,  that  "  no  oppressor 
shall  pass  through  them  any  more,"  recalls  the  same 
promise  in  Joel  iii.  17.  The  vagueness  and  apocalyp- 
tic tone  of  the  predictions  are  also  characteristic  of 
the  declining  days  of  prophecy.  The  distinct  refer- 
ence to  the  Greeks,  not  as  a  distant  nation,  as  in  the 
Book  of  Joel,  but  as  foes  already  in  conflict  with  the 

18 


274      THE   GEEEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTOHY 

Jews  (ix.  13),  confirms  the  conclusion  that  the  wars 
and  dissensions  alluded  to  in  these  chapters  were 
those  which  came  to  the  Jews  between  the  years  320 
and  240  b.  c,  when  the  Ptolemies  and  Seleucids  were 
each  fighting  for  the  rulership  over  the  distracted 
Jewish  community.  Our  ignorance  of  the  details  of 
these  contests  makes  it  impossible  to  identify  the 
historical  allusions.  The  sections,  however,  are  sad 
and  undoubtedly  true  revelations  of  the  intense  hatred 
and  scorn  with  which  the  Jews  regarded  the  degener- 
ate foes  who  destroyed  their  peace.  The  fact  that 
they  are  found  in  the  collection  of  the  prophecies  and 
not,  like  the  Book  of  Daniel,  among  "  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings," fixes  their  date  before  200  b.  c. 

257.  The  same  hostile  attitude  toward  the  Gentiles, 
and  the  same  joy  at  the  thought  of  their  destruction, 
are  reflected  in  the  Book  of  Esther.  Although  the 
historical  background  of  the  story  which  it  contains 
is  the  Persian,  it  probably  comes  from  some  Jew, 
living  in  the  latter  part  of  the  Greek  (or  possibly  the 
Maccabean)  period.  He  is  dependent  upon  later  tra- 
dition for  his  knowledge  of  conditions  in  the  Persian 
empire.  He  is  unfamiliar  with  tlio  fact  that  in  the 
Persian  court  the  reigning  queen  was  always  chosen 
from  one  of  six  noble  families.  Between  the  seventh 
and  twelfth  years  of  the  reign  of  Xerxes,  according  to 
Herodotus,  Amestris  was  queen.  The  marked  dra- 
matic character  of  the  narrative,  the  surprisingly  large 
numbers  slain  by  the  Jews  during  a  period  when  the 
attitude  of  the  Persians  toward  them  was  con- 
spicuously friendly  (compare  the  later  expeditions  of 
Nehemiah  and  Ezra),  and  the  evident  aim  to  glorify 
the  Jews  has  led  many  to  classify  this  book  as  one  of 


HISTORICAL  VALUE   OF  THE   BOOK  OF  ESTHER 


97t 


the  romances,  like  the  Books  of  Tobit  and  Judith, 
with  which  later  Jewish  writers  delighted  and  inspired 
their  countrymen.  Ezra  ii.  1  refers  to  a  certain 
Mordecai,  who  led  back  to  Palestine,  after  Nehemiah, 
a  band  of  faithful  Jews.  It  is  exceedingly  probable 
that  the  story  rests  upon  certain  historical  facts  which 
have  been  exaggerated  or  distorted  in  transmission. 
The  chronicler  and  the  son  of  Sirach  ignore  the  events 
related  in  the  book.  Its  great  popularity  with  later 
Jews  is  due  to  its  intense  nationalistic  feeling,  and  to 
the  fact  that  it  gives  the  traditional  origin  of  the  most 
secular  of  the  Jewish  feasts,  that  of  Purim.  This 
feast  is  first  mentioned  in  II.  Maccabees  xv.  36,  as  the 
day  of  Mordecai,  in  connection  with  the  victory  of  the 
Jews  over  Nicanor,  Although  the  authority  is  late, 
the  natural  inference  is  that  the  feast  of  Purim  was 
known  at  least  early  in  the  Maccabean  period,  and  its 
origin  was  traced  to  the  incidents  related  in  the  Book 
of  Esther.  If  this  be  true,  the  latter  part  of  the  Greek 
period  is  reasonably  well  established  as  its  date. 

258.  From  the  same  period,  probably,  comes  the 
strange  mingling  of  Jewish  and  Greek  thought  known 
as  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes.  Its  peculiar  vocabulary 
and  awkward,  broken  constructions  proclaim  that  it 
was  written  when  Hebrew  was  becoming  an  unfamiliar 
tongue  to  the  Jews.  The  implication  in  the  opening 
chapter,  that  it  is  the  work  of  Solomon,  is  but  one  of 
the  many  illustrations  of  the  tendency  of  later  Judaism 
to  attribute  all  literary  productions  to  famous  charac- 
ters who  lived  centuries  before  (compare  the  very  late 
"  Wisdom  of  Solomon  "  and  the  "  Psalter  of  Solomon  "). 
The  book  shows  many  marks  of  later  revision.  The 
author  of  the  original  sections  was  evidently  born  and 


276      THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

educated  as  a  Jew,  but  had  lost  the  strong  faith  of 
earlier  generations,  and  had  none  of  the  enthusiasm 
for  the  law  which  filled  the  hearts  of  his  race  in  the 
century  or  two  following  the  institution  of  the  Priestly 
Code.  The  fragments  of  Greek  philosophy  which  he 
had  absorbed,  had  fundamentally  altered  his  original 
beliefs.  The  dispiriting  influences  of  the  age  in  which 
he  lived,  and  his  own  experiences,  had  driven  him  to 
the  pessimistical  conclusion  that "  all  is  vanity."  Like 
the  Sadducean  party,  to  which  he  would  undoubtedly 
liave  belonged  if  it  had  already  taken  definite  form  in 
his  day,  his  creed  consisted  chiefly  in  negations.  Un- 
fortunately, his  indefinite  historical  allusions  do  not 
establish  his  exact  date.  Certainly  he  could  not  have 
lived  before  Greek  thought  had  for  a  considerable 
period  exerted  its  powerful  influence  upon  the  intensely 
conservative  Jewish  mind.  Hence  a  date  earlier  than 
about  250  b.  c.  is  impossible.  The  closing  years  of 
the  rule  of  the  Ptolemies  in  many  ways  furnish  the 
most  satisfactory  background.  The  other  possible 
period  is  the  reign  of  Herod  the  Great  (which  has 
recently  been  strongly  urged  by  Professor  Cheyne  in 
his  "-  Jewish  Religious  Life  after  the  Exile").  It  must, 
however,  be  seriously  questioned  whether  or  not  such 
a  late  book  could  have  gained  admission  into  the  canon 
of  the  Old  Testament,  and  especially  a  book  of  the 
character  of  Ecclesiastes.  Still  more  time  was  re- 
quired for  the  repeated  revisions  to  which  it  has 
obviously  been  subjected,  and  these  must  have  ante- 
dated its  formal  approval  as  canonical,  near  the  close 
of  the  first  Christian  century  (Mishna,  ladaim  iii.  5). 
259.  From  the  same  school  of  wisdom-thought,  but 
from  a  much  more  hopeful  point  of  view,  comes  the 


THE  PROVERBS   OF  THE   SON   OF   SIRACH        277 

apocryphal  book,  Ecclesiasticus  or  the  Wisdom  of 
Sirach.  It  is  the  only  book  of  this  period  which  is 
definitely  dated.  The  superscription  states  that  the 
present  complete  Greek  version  was  translated  by  the 
author's  grandson,  who  came  to  Egypt  in  the  thirty- 
eighth  year  of  Euergetes,  who  must  be  the  second  ruler 
of  Egypt  to  bear  that  name,  since  the  first  reigned  only 
twenty-live  years.  This  was  therefore  in  132  B.  c,  and 
Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  the  grandfather,  must  have 
written  between  200  and  175  b.  c.  In  1.  1,  Sirach 
speaks  of  Simeon,  the  son  of  Onias,  who  is  probably  to 
be  identified  with  Simeon  II.,  high  priest  during  the 
first  part  of  the  second  century  B.  c.  Recently,  a  large 
fragment  of  the  original  Hebrew  edition,  corresponding 
to  chapters  xxxix.  15  to  xlix.  1  of  the  Greek,  has 
been  discovered,  and  made  accessible  to  Hebrew  stu- 
dents (Cowley  and  Neubauer  —  The  Original  Hebrew 
of  a  Portion  of  Ecclesiasticus).  The  discovery  is  un- 
doubtedly the  most  important  which  has  been  made 
for  years  in  the  Old  Testament  field.  It  shows,  in 
the  first  place,  that  the  Greek  translation  was  very 
free.  The  original  Hebrev/  approximates  closely  to  the 
classical  models  of  which  the  author  was  a  careful 
student.  He  was  familiar  with  the  Pentateuch  and 
both  the  "  earlier "  and  the  "  later  "  prophets,  from 
Joshua  to  Malachi.  This  gives  definite  grounds  for 
concluding  that  the  prophetic  canon  was  completed 
as  early  as  200  b.  c.  Naturally  the  son  of  Sirach 
quotes  most  from  the  kindred  wisdom-books  :  Job  and 
Proverbs.  His  style  closely  resembles  certain  of  the 
psalms,  and  his  book  closes  with  a  psalm.  The  gen- 
eral testimony  of  the  work  is,  not  that  the  Psalter  was 
then  complete,  but  rather  still  in  the  process  of  forma- 


278       THE   GREEK   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH    HISTORY 

tion.  Several  of  the  psalms  themselves  contain  internal 
evidence  that  they  come  from  the  Greek  period,  and 
therefore  may  be  counted  as  one  of  its  historical 
sources. 

260.  The  merciless  persecutions  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  and  the  valiant  and  successful  resistance  of 
the  Jews,  which  filled  the  closing  years  of  the  Greek 
period  with  stirring  events,  called  forth  a  large  volume 
of  literature.  The  apocalyptic  type,  which  was  ex- 
ceedingly  popular  with  the  later  Jews,  was  the  most 
common.  The  prophets,  who  wished  to  encourage 
and  strengthen  their  afflicted  countrymen,  no  longer 
preached  to  them  by  word  of  mouth  and  simple  direct 
statement,  as  did  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah,  but  presented 
their  messages  in  the  form  of  visions  and  predictions, 
abounding  in  mysterious  figures  and  symbolism,  and 
usually  placed  in  the  mouth  of  some  saint  of  the  past. 
The  number  of  these  writings  which  have  been  preserved 
out  of  the  undoubtedly  greater  body  which  has  been 
lost,  is  surprisingly  large.  They  all  testify  that  if  the 
prophets  had  not  altogether  been  "  expelled  from  the 
land,"  they  had  at  least  begun  to  be  "  ashamed  every 
one  of  his  vision  when  he  prophesied  "  (Zech.  xiii.  2,  4), 
and  to  seek  to  give  it  authority  by  associating  it  with 
a  name  revered  by  his  generation. 

261.  The  noblest  representative  of  this  different  type 
of  prophecy  is  the  Book  of  Daniel.  Its  position  in  the 
latest  group  of  the  Hebrew  canon,  *'  the  Sacred  Writ- 
ings," at  once  suggests  that  it  was  written  too  late  to 
find  a  place  in  the  prophetic  canon.  Its  omission  in 
the  otherwise  complete  list  of  the  prophetic  books 
given  by  the  son  of  Sirach,  is  equally  significant.  This 
external  evidence  that  it  was  written  after  200  b.  c. 


DATE   OF  THE  BOOK  OF  DANIEL  279 

is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  the  language,  part 
of  it  (ii.  4:^  to  vii.  28)  even  being  written  in  Aramaic. 
The  Aramaic  also  is  not  that  employed  by  the  Jews  in 
the  East,  as  would  naturally  be  expected  in  the  light  of 
the  narrative,  but  the  peculiar  type  in  use  in  Palestine. 
In  the  passages  which  purport  to  antedate  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  empire  of  Cyrus,  a  large  number  of 
Persian  words  is  found  ;  while  at  least  three  of  Greek 
origin  appear  in  the  book.  The  point  of  view  of  the 
author  is  not  that  of  the  Babylonian,  nor  of  the  Persian, 
but  of  the  Greek  period.  For  example,  Belshazzar, 
who  must  historically  be  identified  with  Belsharuzur, 
the  son  of  the  usurper  Nabonidus,  the  last  ruler  of 
Babylon,  is  designated  as  the  last  king  of  Babylon 
and  the  son  of  Nebuchadrezzar  (v.  2,  11,  13,  18,  22). 
Darius,  who  organized  the  Persian  empire,  and  not 
Cyrus,  is  regarded  as  the  successor  of  Belshazzar  and 
the  first  conqueror  of  Babylon  (v.  31 ;  vi. ;  ix.  1 ;  xi.  1). 
This  confusion  in  regard  to  the  perplexing  details  of 
early  Babylonian  and  Persian  history  is  exactly  parallel 
to  what  has  already  been  noted  in  other  writers  of  the 
Greek  period  (sect.  89).  Other  minor  inconsistencies 
are  found,  and  possess  a  positive  value  because  they 
assist  in  fixing  the  true  historical  setting  of  this  won- 
derful book.  Its  theological  ideas  likewise  point  to  a 
date  late  in  the  Greek  period.  The  exact  circum- 
stances of  its  composition  may  be  determined  with 
reasonable  certainty.  The  predictions  focus  the  atten- 
tion not  upon  the  return  from  Babylon,  nor  upon  any 
of  the  important  events  which  characterize  the  Persian 
and  the  earlier  part  of  the  Greek  period,  but  upon  the 
crises  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  He  is 
evidently  represented   by   the   little  horn   of   chapter 


280      THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

eight.  Chapter  eleven,  after  giving  a  brief  summaiy 
of  the  events  following  the  conquest  of  Alexander, 
devotes  verses  21  to  45  to  a  minute  description  of  the 
reign  of  Antiochus.  The  persecutions  which  the  Jews 
experienced  at  his  hands  are  also  the  background  of 
the  promises  contained  in  chapter  twelve  (compare 
verses  7,  11-13).  The  history  presented  in  the  Book 
of  Daniel  in  the  form  of  prediction,  becomes  more  and 
more  detailed  as  it  advances  to  these  persecutions,  and 
after  their  horrors  are  fully  described,  it  suddenly 
ceases,  and  certain  general  Messianic  promises  alone 
are  given,  which  it  is  impossible  to  identify  with  any 
known  historical  events.  These  facts  all  point  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  book,  with  its  examples  of 
heroic  and  successful  defiance  to  the  commands  of 
tyrannical  human  potentates,  when  they  were  contrary 
to  those  of  Jehovah,  with  its  glorious  promises  of 
divine  deliverance  for  the  persecuted  and  discouraged 
people,  was  written  when  the  persecutions  were  at 
their  height.  There  are  no  definite  references  to  armed 
resistance,  nor  to  the  dedication  of  the  temple ;  Jehovah 
is  expected  personally  to  deliver  his  people,  and  forth- 
with to  institute  his  Messianic  kingdom.  Therefore 
it  is  not  probable  that  the  book  was  w^ritten  after  the 
great  victories  of  Judas,  and  the  establishment  of  the 
temple  service  in  December,  165  b.  c.  The  period 
between  167  and  the  beginning  of  165  B.  c.  is  conse- 
quently established  with  considerable  certainty  as  its 
date  (compare  sect.  308).  This  conclusion  at  once 
gives  to  the  great  messages  of  the  book  a  new  signifi- 
cance, and  a  supreme  historical  value,  for  its  testimony 
respecting  the  closing  years  of  the  Greek  period  is  that 
of  a  contemporary.     At  the  same  time,  the  probability 


THE  EARLIER  SECTIONS  OF  THE  BOOK  OF  ENOCH    281 

is  not  precluded  that  the  narratives  of  the  first  six 
chapters  rest  upon  a  traditional  basis,  and  that  Daniel 
was  an  historical  personage,  and  not  the  pure  creation 
of  Jewish  imagination. 

262.  Closely  related  in  character  and  content  to  the 
Book  of  Daniel  is  the  Book  of  Enoch.  Both  are  fre- 
quently quoted  by  the  New  Testament  writers  and  the 
Church  Fathers.  The  Book  of  Enoch  consists  of  a 
collection  of  apocalyptic  writings  coming  from  different 
dates  and  authors.  These  represent  fragments  of  a 
voluminous  literature  which  was  put  forth  during  the 
Greek,  Maccabean,  and  Roman  periods  in  the  name  of 
the  antediluvian  of  whom  tradition  declared :  "  He 
walked  with  God."  In  later  Jewish  thought,  Enoch 
became  the  father  of  the  apocalyptic,  as  did  Moses  of 
the  legal  literature.  The  present  book  was  probably 
not  edited  until  about  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
era ;  but  two  sections,  chapters  i.  to  xxxvi.  and  Ixxxiii. 
to  xc,  reflect  the  Jewish  thought  of  the  latter  part  of 
the  Greek  period.  In  Ixxxiii.  to  xc,  the  general  point 
of  view  is  that  of  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Daniel. 
It  refers  symbolically  to  the  persecutions  of  Antiochus  ; 
but  is  a  little  later  than  the  Book  of  Daniel,  for  it 
speaks  of  the  armed  and  successful  resistance  of  the 
Maccabean  family  (xc.  6).  It  also  anticipates  after 
these  victories  the  speedy  establishment  of  the  Messianic 
kingdom.  Its  date,  therefore,  is  about  165  b.  c.  These 
chapters  make  use  of  the  other  section  i.  to  xxxvi. ; 
but  the  latter  knows  nothing  of  the  persecutions  of 
Antiochus,  and  are  written  from  a  different  point  of 
view  ;  hence  their  date  must  be  somewhat  earlier  than 
168  B.  c. 

263.  The  events  of   the  last  decade  of   the   Greek 


282      THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

period  (175-lGo  b.  c.)  are  described  in  detail  in  the 
first  four  chapters  of  I.  Maccabees.  Fi'om  certain 
references,  it  is  evident  that  the  author  of  this  remark- 
ably vivid  and  on  the  whole  exact  history  wrote  dur- 
ing the  earlier  part  of  the  first  century  b.  c.  He  was 
therefore  removed  only  two  or  three  generations  from 
the  events  recorded.  He  probably  also  had  before  him 
short  notices  written  not  long  after  the  great  uprising. 
His  interests  are  those  of  orthodox  Judaism;  but  in  his 
temperate  statements,  in  his  careful  chronological  and 
geographical  notes,  and  in  his  attention  to  details,  he 
exhibits  for  almost  the  first  time  in  Jewish  history 
the  true  instincts  of  a  modern  historian.  In  all  these 
respects,  his  history  is  much  superior  to  that  contained 
in  II.  Maccabees,  which  covers  the  period  from  175  to 
160  B.  c.  When  the  order  of  events  differs,  that  of 
the  first  book  must  in  general  be  regarded  as  the  more 
reliable.  The  interest  in  II.  Maccabees  is  religious 
rather  than  purely  historical,  and  the  supernatural  ele- 
ment is  much  more  prominent.  As  is  definitely  stated 
in  ii.  24-32,  it  is  an  epitomization  (with  the  exception 
of  the  letters  in  cliapters  i.  and  ii.)  of  a  mucli  earlier 
work  written  by  Jason  of  Cyrene,  who  probably  lived 
about  160  B.  c,  had  access  to  earlier  authorities,  and 
apparently  was  not  acquainted  with  I.  Maccabees.  The 
two  books,  therefore,  represent  independent  sources  and 
furnish  many  mutually  supplemental  facts. 

264.  In  his  "  Antiquities,"  Josephus  has  preserved 
certain  later  and  largely  legendary  traditions  respect- 
ing Alexander's  relations  to  the  Jews.  The  impossible 
account  of  the  translation  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures 
into  Greek  purports  to  be  a  direct  citation  from  the 
writings  of  Aristeas,  a  Greek  official  of  Ptolemy  II. 


THE   WRITINGS   OF  JOSEPHUS  283 

(Philadelphus).  The  real  author,  however,  must  have 
been  a  Jew  who  probably  lived  during  the  closing  years 
of  the  rule  of  the  Ptolemies.  The  clear  picture  which 
he  incidentally  gives  of  conditions  in  Judah  and 
Jerusalem,  is  intended  to  glorify  his  nation.  It  is 
nevertheless  valuable  because  it  is  largely  the  result 
of  personal  observation.  In  his  polemical  treatise 
''Against  Apion,"  he  likewise  quotes  from  a  writing 
purporting  to  come  from  the  Alexandrian  Greek  phi- 
losopher and  historian,  Hecatseus,  who  was  a  contempo- 
rary of  Alexander  the  Great.  In  reality,  its  author  was 
probably  a  Jew,  living  in  the  third  century  b.  c,  who 
employed  as  the  basis  of  his  tract  the  statements  of 
Hecata^us.  The  incidental  historical  data  thus  pre- 
sented may,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  partially  reliable. 
In  his  treatment  of  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
Josephus  depends  almost  entirely  upon  I.  Maccabees. 
His  meagre  history  of  the  Greek  period  is  supple- 
mented by  those  of  the  Greek  writers.  Polybius  in 
book  xxvi.  and  Diodorus  in  book  xix.  of  their  histories 
vividly  descril)e  the  character  and  reign  of  the  arch 
persecutor  of  the  Jews.  In  the  histories  which  recoi'd 
the  conquests  of  Alexander,  and  the  reigns  of  his  suc- 
cessors, is  presented  in  detail  the  setting  of  the  picture 
of  the  Greek  period  which  it  is  possible  to  reconstruct 
with  the  varied  but  not  altogether  satisfactory  materials 
at  our  command. 


II 


THE    CONQUESTS    OF   ALEXANDER   AND    THE   RULE   OF 
THE   PTOLEMIES   AND   SELEUCIDS 

265.  At  last  the  longed-for  upheaval  came,  and  the 
vast  Persian  empire,  which  in  the  period  of  its  decay 
had  become  the  object  of  Jevrish  hatred  (compare  Isa. 
xxiv.  to  xxvii.),  fell  in  ruins  before  the  victorious 
armies  of  Alexander.  To  the  Jews,  who  were  ignorant 
of  the  real  weakness  of  Persia  and  of  the  careful 
preparations  which  had  long  been  going  on  in  Mace- 
donia under  the  sagacious  guidance  of  Philip,  the 
appearance  of  Alexander  was  a  most  marvellous 
spectacle.  A  year  of  active  campaigning  in  Asia 
Minor,  culminating  in  the  sweeping  victory  over  Darius 
at  Issus  in  833  b.  c,  and,  lo,  he  Avas  knocking  loudly  at 
the  gates  of  Syria.  Triumphantly,  he  swept  down  the 
eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  conquering  north- 
ern Syria  without  serious  opposition,  gathering  fabulous 
spoils  from  the  rich  city  of  Damascus,  and  meeting  his 
first  serious  opposition  at  the  great  trading  city  of 
Tyre.  Since  his  first  purpose  was  to  secure  the  com- 
mercial and  naval  command  of  the  Mediterranean,  he 
did  not  pass  on  until  he  had  captured  this  well-nigh 
impregnable  fortress,  even  though  it  required  an  active 
siege  of  seven  months.  The  only  other  formidable 
opposition  came  from  the  city  of  Gaza,  which  fell  after 
making  a  most  stubborn  defence. 


THE  VICTORIOUS  ADVANCE  OF  ALEXANDER    285 

266.  The  traditions  preserved  by  Josephus  indicate 
that  the  Samaritans,  in  keeping  with  their  usual  policy, 
hastened  to  pay  liomage  to  Alexander  while  he  was 
besieging  Tyre  (Ant.  xi.  8,  4).  Soon  after  he  sent  to 
the  high  priest  at  Jerusalem  a  demand  for  auxiliaries, 
provisions,  tribute,  and  allegiance.  Remembering  the 
awful  judgment  whicli  had  followed  their  recent  defec- 
tion from  Persia  (sect.  221),  the  Jews  were  naturally 
very  slow  to  acknowledge  another  master.  Although 
the  short  section  contained  in  Zechariah  ix.  1-8  may 
possibly  come  from  a  slightly  later  date,  it  finds  its 
most  satisfactory  setting  at  this  time.  It  pictures 
exactly  Alexander's  victorious  advance  down  the 
valley  of  the  Orontes,  the  capture  of  Damascus,  the 
submission  of  the  coast  cities,  and  predicts,  as  did 
the  old  Hebrew  prophets  when  the  Assyrian  armies 
advanced  along  the  same  route,  the  conquest  and 
destruction  of  Tyre,  who  "  has  built  her  a  fortress, 
and  heaped  up  silver  like  dust,  and  gold  like  the  dirt 
of  the  streets."  It  also  predicts  the  downfall  of  the 
Philistine  cities,  and  closes  with  the  assurance  that 
Jehovah  "  will  encamp  as  a  guard  about  his  house,  so 
that  none  shall  pass  by  or  return." 

267.  The  capture  of  Gaza  and  the  other  cities  of  the 
Philistine  plain  influenced  the  Jews  to  accede  to  the 
demands  of  Alexander,  and  to  swear  a  ready  allegiance 
to  him.  The  tradition  that  he  visited  Jerusalem  at 
this  time,  and  was  miraculously  influenced  by  a  dream 
to  spare  the  Jews,  and  to  grant  them  many  special 
privileges,  reveals  all  the  characteristics  of  a  late  tale 
intended  to  glorify  the  JcAvish  race  (Ant.  xi.  8,  4,  5). 
His  ambitions  and  plans  for  the  conquest  of  Egypt 
left  him  no  time  to  turn  aside  for  such  an  insignificant 


286       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

community  as  that  at  Jerusalem.  Even  the  conquest 
of  an  important  city  like  Damascus  he  deputed  to  one 
of  his  generals.  Jerusalem  probably  at  this  time,  as 
in  the  earlier  days  of  its  history,  escaped  by  simply 
submitting,  because  the  conqueror  was  eager  to 
advance  into  Egypt.  The  slowness  of  the  Jews  in 
throwing  off  the  Persian  yoke  commended  rather  than 
condemned  them  in  the  eyes  of  Alexander.  The 
original  demands  for  provisions,  auxiliaries,  and  the 
same  tribute  as  had  been  paid  to  Persia  were  doubt- 
less enforced.  Repeated  references  in  the  writings  of 
Josephus  (Against  Ap.  i.  22)  suggest  that  henceforth 
Jews  were  regularly  found  in  Alexander's  armies. 
This  confirms  the  statement  that  many  accompanied 
him  in  his  wars  (Jos.  Ant.  xi.  8,  5).  They  can,  how- 
ever, hardly  have  been  enrolled  from  the  better  classes. 
Tlie  fact  that  large  numbers  of  the  Jewish  race  were 
scattered  throughout  the  lands  which  Alexander  hoped 
to  conquer,  and  that,  while  industrious  and  intelligent, 
they  felt  no  attachment  to  the  existing  governments, 
may  well  have  influenced  him  to  grant  them  certain 
religious  privileges,  even  as  he  did  the  Egyptians  and 
Babylonians,  with  a  view  to  securing  their  loyal  sup- 
port. Certainly  in  Alexandria,  where  his  policy  found 
clearest  expression,  he  conceded  to  them  special  civil 
and  relio-ious  rio-hts.  The  su2C2;estion  has  also  been 
made  that  because  of  their  close  connection  with  each 
other,  he  wished  to  employ  them  as  guides  and  in- 
formers in  the  lands  which  he  hoped  to  conquer. 

268.  Under  Alexander,  there  was  little  immediate 
change  in  the  life  of  the  Jewish  community  in  Pales- 
tine. It  made  no  difference  to  the  Jews  whether  they 
paid    tribute    to    Persia   or   Macedonia.     Jaddua    the 


THE   CITY  OF  ALEXANDRIA  287 

high  priest  continued  to  direct  local  affairs,  subject  to 
the  Greek  governor  who  resided  at  Samaria.  While 
Alexander  was  in  Egypt,  Andromachus,  whom  he 
placed  over  the  province  of  Coelo-Syria,  was  murdered 
by  the  Samaritans  (Quintus  Curtius  iv.  5,  8).  In 
punishment,  a  part  of  their  territory  (according  to  a 
late  tradition)  was  given  to  their  foes  the  Jews,  who 
were  thus  enabled  to  extend  their  narrow  limits 
northward.  A  Macedonian  colony  was  established  at 
Samaria,  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  been 
either  slain  or  banished  for  their  crime. 

269.  The  subjugation  of  Egypt  was  easily  and 
quickly  accomplished  by  Alexander,  since  he  found 
there  no  genuine  attachment  to  Persia.  His  great 
work  during  his  brief  sojourn  in  Egypt  was  the  found- 
ing of  the  city  which  bore  his  name.  The  destruction 
of  Tyre  prepared  the  way  for  Alexandria's  commercial 
greatness.  Located  on  the  sea,  with  Lake  Mareotis  in 
its  rear,  it  was  easily  defended.  Provided  with  a 
superb  harbor,  connected  with  the  Nile  by  a  canal, 
and  without  a  formidable  rival,  it  enjoyed  a  practical 
monopoly  of  the  trade  of  the  East.  It  was  laid  out 
by  the  architect  of  the  temple  of  Diana.  Built  at 
royal  expense,  it  was  one  of  the  most  beautiful  cities 
of  antiquity.  Its  population  consisted  of  Egyptians, 
Greeks,  and  Jews.  Each  occupied  separate  quarters. 
The  Jews  lived  together  in  the  northeastern  part  of 
the  city,  and  their  quarter  was  surrounded  with  walls. 
Within  these,  they  lived  in  accordance  with  their 
peculiar  laws,  and  were  ruled  and  represented  by  one 
of  their  number  who  bore  the  title  of  Alabarch. 
Alexander's  wise  policy  soon  attracted  many  there, 
and   under    the  Ptolemies   their   numbers   were   still 


288      THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

further  increased,  so  that  Alexandria  soon  became  the 
second  greatest  Jewish  centre  in  the  world. 

270.  From  Egypt,  Alexander  set  out  in  331  b.  c. 
to  complete  the  conquest  of  the  Persian  empire.  At 
Arbela,  he  fought  in  the  same  year  the  decisive  battle 
which  broke  forever  the  power  of  Darius.  During  the 
next  seven  years,  he  extended  his  rule  to  the  Oxus  and 
Indus.  Before  he  had  consolidated  his  vast  empire, 
he  died  in  323  b.  c,  leaving  no  heir  to  succeed  him. 
Perhaps  the  most  remarkable  fact  in  his  marvellous 
history  is  the  permanence  of  his  suddenly  acquired 
conquests.  The  explanation  is  found  in  the  superiority 
of  Greek  valor,  arms,  and  culture  to  that  of  the  East, 
in  the  servile  attitude  of  the  peoples  conquered,  in 
the  military  ability  of  the  generals  who  succeeded 
Alexander,  in  the  fact  that,  instead  of  destroying  the 
nations  which  he  vanquished,  he  endeavored  by  liberal 
concessions  to  win  their  loyalty,  and  above  all  because 
he  built  Greek  cities  and  introduced  Greek  colonists 
and  customs  throughout  the  entire  empire.  The 
Orient  is  naturally  imitative ;  and  Hellenistic  culture 
became  fashionable.  The  result  was  that  it  transfused 
and  transformed  the  life  of  the  peoples  of  southwestern 
Asia  and  Egypt.  Greece  was  transported  to  the  East, 
and  each  Hellenistic  city  exerted  a  wide  leavening 
influence.  Palestine  was  powerfully  affected.  The 
coast  cities  of  Gaza,  Ashdod,  Askelon,  Joppa,  Appolonia, 
and  Ptolemais  soon  became  centres  of  Greek  popula- 
tion and  rule.  In  addition  to  Samaria,  many  of  the 
east-Jordan  towns  —  Hippos,  Gadara,  Pella,  Gerasa, 
and  Philadelphia  —  were  colonized  and  Hellenized  by 
Alexander's  veterans.  Thus,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Greek  period,  the  Jewish  community  in  Palestine  was 


THE   CAPTURE   OF  JERUSALEM  BY  PTOLEJMY     289 

closely  encircled  by  a  ring  of  Hellenistic  towns.  The 
conquests  of  Alexander  suddenly  brought  the  two 
great  currents  of  ancient  thought  and  culture  into 
closest  contact.  The  real  history  of  human  civilization 
during  the  succeeding  centuries  is  the  record  of  the 
conflicts  and  the  final  fusion  of  the  permanent  ele- 
ments in  each. 

271.   The  successors  of  Alexander  inherited  his  inor- 
dinate ambitions  and  weaknesses,  but  few  of  his  re- 
deeming virtues.     The  fusion  of  eastern  and  western 
blood   and   civilization   magnified   the  vices   of   both. 
The  subject   peoples  were   the  prey    of   the   conflicts 
which  soon  sprang  up  between  Alexander's  generals. 
Palestine,  being  the  main  highway  between  Asia  and 
Africa,  again  became  the  bone  of  contention  between 
the  great  powers  of  the  East  and  the  West.     Peace 
was   not   to   be   secured   even    by  servile  submission. 
The  first  attack  was  made  about  320  b.  c,  by  Ptolemy 
I.    (Soter),   son   of    Lagus,   who    after    the    death   of 
Alexander  had  established  his  rule  over  Egypt.     Ap- 
parently at  this  time,  according  to  the  tradition  pre- 
served by  Josephus  (Ant.  xii.  1;  Against  Ap.  i.  22), 
Jerusalem  was  captured  by   a  sudden  attack  on  the 
Sabbath,  because  the  Jews  refused   to   fight   on   that 
day.     The  resistance  of  the  Jews  and  Samaritans  gave 
Ptolemy  an   excuse   for   carrying   many    of   them   to 
Egypt.     They  were  taken  from  the  country  districts, 
as   well   as   from  the  larger  towns.      Special  induce- 
ments were  also  held  out  by  him  which  attracted  still 
others. 

272.  Compared  with  the  barren  hills  of  Judah,  ex- 
posed to  constant  attack  from  relentless,  treacherous 
foes,  Egypt  under  the  rule  of  Ptolemy,  with  its  rich 

19 


290       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

opportunities  for  the  enjoyment  of  peace  and  wealth, 
offered  attractions  which  were  well-nigh  irresistible. 
In  the  Greek  period,  "  the  flesh  pots  of  Egypt "  were 
a  sore  temptation  to  the  Jews,  and  became  the 
stronger  as  the  Jewish  colony  there  grew  larger  and 
more  influential.  Ptolemy  on  the  other  hand,  assisted 
by  only  comparatively  few  Greeks,  and  confronted  with 
the  problem  of  maintaining  the  rule  over  his  rebellious 
Egyptian  subjects,  wisely  recognized  in  the  Jews  and 
Samaritans  his  best  allies.  They  were  so  thoroughly 
denationalized  that  they  were  influenced  by  no  political 
motives  other  than  loyalty  to  the  master  who  would 
treat  them  most  generoasly.  Their  personal  interests 
all  led  them  to  unite  with  the  Greeks,  rather  than  with 
the  native  Egyptians.  In  that  age  when  fidelity  was 
a  rare  virtue,  they  could  be  trusted.  Their  ambitions 
were  modest.  They  were  industrious,  and  possessed 
a  rare  facility  for  adapting  themselves  to  their  environ- 
ment. In  the  great  commercial  centres  of  Egypt,  their 
genius  for  trade  found  complete  expression.  Their  ex- 
ceptional morality  secured  for  them  many  positions  of 
trust.  They  soon  became  the  strongest  pillar  of  the 
Ptolemaic  state  ;  and  as  the  individual  rulers  became 
weak  and  corrupt,  the  Jews  came  more  and  more  into 
prominence.  Their  lot,  however,  was  not  altogether 
a  peaceful  one.  The  special  favors  which  they  enjoyed, 
made  them  an  object  of  intense  hatred  to  the  native 
population.  They  were  also  thrown  into  close  rela- 
tions with  the  Samaritan  colonists.  The  result  was 
that  their  racial  antipatliies  found  there  more  bitter 
expression  than  in  Palestine  itself.  (Jos.  Ant.  xii.  1). 
Frequent  were  the  conflicts  between  the  advocates  of 
Mount  Zion  and  of  Mount  Gerizim. 


CONTESTS  FOR   THE   POSSESSION    OF    PALESTINE     291 

273.  During  the  closing  years  of  the  fourth  century, 
the  rule  of  Palestine  was  hotly  contested  between 
Ptolemy  and  his  powerful  rival  Antigonus.  About 
315,  the  latter  seized  and  held  it,  until,  in  a  battle  near 
Gaza  in  312  b.  c,  his  son  Demetrius  was  defeated  by 
the  Egyptian  forces.  Josephus  states,  on  the  authority 
of  pseudo-Hecata^QS  (Against  Ap.  i.  22),  that  at  this 
time  Ptolemy  visited  Jerusalem  and  persuaded  many 
Jews  to  go  with  him  to  Egypt.  Among  others,  there 
was  a  certain  Hezekiah,  a  member  of  the  high  priestly 
family,  who  enjoyed  great  respect  among  his  people. 
Palestine,  however,  was  ceded  on  the  following  year  to 
Antigonus.  After  306,  when  he  assumed  the  title  of 
king,  Ptolemy  endeavored  again  to  reconquer  southern 
Syria,  but  w^ithout  much  success,  until  Antigonus  was 
slain  in  the  battle  of  Ipsus  in  301  b.  c.  Then  he  gained 
possession  of  Palestine,  and  his  successors  maintained 
their  authority,  with  only  a  few  lapses,  for  nearly  a 
century.  About  297  b.  c,  Demetrius  invaded  Palestine, 
but  his  conquest  was  brief.  The  Seleucids,  however, 
w^ho  succeeded  to  the  empire  of  Antigonus,  never  ceased 
to  assert  their  claim  to  it  whenever  they  were  especially 
strong  or  the  Ptolemies  weak.  Between  the  years  264 
and  248  b.  c,  the  tide  of  w^ar  seems  to  have  rolled  back 
and  forth  through  Palestine,  bringing  its  horrors  to 
the  Jews ;  but  history  has  preserved  few  details. 
Daniel  xi.  7-9  contains  veiled  allusions  to  these  con- 
flicts. On  the  w^hole,  the  eagerness  of  the  Ptolemies 
and  Seleucids  to  possess  Palestine  led  each  to  court 
the  Jews.  Seleucus  L,  who  founded  Antioch  about 
300  B.  c,  extended  many  privileges  to  them  with  a 
view  to  attracting  them  to  his  new  capital.  According 
to  Josephus  (Ant.  xii.  3,  1),  he  granted  them  equal 


292       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

rights  with  the  Macedonians  and  Greeks.  That  many 
availed  themselves  of  these  opportunities  is  evinced 
by  the  number  of  Jews  found  in  later  times  in  Antioch 
and  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor. 

274.  The  first  three  Ptolemies  proved,  on  the  whole, 
active  and  efficient  rulers.  They  gradually  extended 
the  bounds  and  influence  of  Egypt  until,  at  the  death 
of  Ptolemy  III.  (Euergetes)  in  222  b.  c,  it  included 
not  only  Palestine  and  Co^lo-Syria  but  also  the  more 
important  cities  on  the  coast  of  the  eastern  Mediter- 
ranean. Their  rule  was  much  more  popular  with  the 
Jews  than  that  of  the  Seleucids.  Ptolemy  11.  (Phila- 
delphus)  figures  in  Jewish  tradition  as  the  patron 
of  their  temple  and  the  ruler  under  whose  direction 
their  scriptures  were  translated  into  Greek,  as  well  as 
the  liberator  of  all  Jewish  captives  in  his  realm  (Jos. 
Ant.  xii.  2).  His  successor  Euergetes  is  also  accred- 
ited, after  a  successful  campaign  in  Syria,  with  having 
offered  rich  sacrifices  at  the  temple  in  Jerusalem  (Jos. 
Against  Ap.  ii.  5).  The  tribute  demanded  by  the 
Ptolemies  does  not  appear  to  have  been  exorbitant ; 
and,  when  it  was  regularly  paid,  the  peoples  of  Palestine 
were  left  free  to  manage  their  own  affairs.  This  free- 
dom exposed  the  Jews  to  the  attacks  of  their  hostile 
neighbors.  Josephus  states  that  "  at  this  time  the 
Samaritans  were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  and  much 
distressed  the  Jews,  cutting  off  parts  of  their  land  and 
carrying  off  slaves"  (Ant.  xii.  4, 1).  A  passing  refer- 
ence of  the  son  of  Sirach  indicates  that  the  ancient 
feud  with  the  Samaritans  and  Philistines  was  as  bitter 
as  ever  (Ecclus.  1.  25,  26.) 

275.  The  story  told  by  Josephus  respecting  Joseph 
the   tax-collector,  sheds  much   light  upon  conditions 


THE    STORY  OF   JOSEPH  THE   TAX-COLLECTOR     293 

within  the  Jewish  community  in  Palestine.  About 
230  B.  c,  Onias  II.  the  high  priest  refused  for  some 
reason  —  probably  at  the  instigation  of  the  rival  Syrian 
power  —  to  pay  the  annual  tribute  to  Egypt.  From 
tlie  account,  it  appears  that  this  was  surprisingly  small, 
being  only  twenty  talents,  while  that  of  all  Syria  and 
Phoenicia  was  eight  thousand  and  later  twice  that 
amount.  Its  collection  also  was  left  to  the  Jews  them- 
selves, the  high  priest  being  held  responsible  for  the 
whole.  The  refusal  of  Onias  brought  an  ambassador 
of  Ptolemy  Euergetes  to  Jerusalem.  His  presence  and 
the  threat  that  Judah  might  be  settled  with  Egyptian 
veterans  naturally  alarmed  the  Jews.  Joseph,  the 
crafty  and  unscrupulous  nephew  of  the  high  priest, 
improved  the  opportunity  to  secure  his  appointment  to 
represent  them  at  the  Egyptian  court.  By  simple 
effrontery  and  intrigue,  he  ingratiated  himself,  first 
with  the  Egyptian  ambassador,  and  then  with  the  king 
and  queen.  Later,  when  the  right  of  farming  the  taxes 
of  Ptolemy's  Asiatic  provinces  was  sold,  as  was  cus- 
tomary, at  public  auction,  he  bid  twice  as  much  as  the 
princes  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia.  Although  he  had  no 
security  to  offer,  his  daring  action  and  words  so  ap- 
pealed to  Euergetes  that  it  was  sold  to  him,  and  he 
departed  with  an  army  of  two  thousand  Egyptian  sol- 
diers to  assist  him  in  collecting  the  revenues.  At  first 
the  demands  of  this  Jewish  upstart  were  scornfully 
refused  ;  but  after  he  had  put  to  death  and  confiscated 
the  property  of  certain  of  the  leading  men  of  Askelon 
and  Scythopolis  who  had  resisted  his  authority,  the 
different  provinces  humbly  submitted.  For  twenty- 
three  years,  by  force  and  intrigue,  he  held  the  position 
of  chief  tax-collector,  and  as  such  was  the  virtual  gov- 


294       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   (3F  JEWISH   HISTORY 

ernor  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia.  His  extortions  were  so 
notorious  that  the  saying,  "  Joseph  is  stripping  the 
flesh  from  Syria  and  is  leaving  only  the  bones,"  be- 
came one  of  the  jokes  of  the  Ptolemaic  court.  While 
he  brought  wealth  to  the  Jews,  his  influence  was  most 
pernicious.  He  himself  was  immoral,  and  readily 
abandoned  the  faith  of  his  fathers  for  the  corrupt 
practices  of  the  Greeks.  Plis  sons  followed  in  his 
footsteps,  and  used  their  inherited  wealth  and  influence 
for  the  basest  ends.  His  unjust  extortions  kindled 
anew  the  antipathies  of  their  neighbors  toward  the 
Jews,  and  ultimately  brought  upon  them  a  long  train  of 
disasters. 

276.  The  political  decline  of  the  Ptolemies  began 
with  the  accession  of  Ptolemy  IV.  (Philopator),  at  the 
age  of  twenty-four.  From  the  first,  he  led  his  profli- 
gate and  effeminate  court  in  all  excesses.  He  mani- 
fested a  supreme  disregard  for  his  own  interests  and 
those  of  his  subjects,  and  was  ruled  by  intriguing 
courtiers.  The  result  was  that  Egypt's  great  prestige 
suddenly  vanished.  Ptolemy's  rival  was  Antiochus 
HI.,  rightly  designated  "  the  Great,"  who  came  to  the 
throne  of  the  Seleucids  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  (224 
B.  c).  In  him  to  a  certain  degree  the  ambitions  and 
energy  of  the  great  Alexander  lived  again.  Confronted 
by  formidable  conspiracies  within  his  capital,  he  at 
once  turned  his  back  upon  them,  and  advanced  to  the 
conquest  of  Syria  and  Palestine,  which  he  must  acquire 
before  his  kingdom  could  be  secure  and  complete.  He 
met  with  little  opposition,  except  from  some  of  the 
walled  cities  like  Gaza.  Aided  by  the  treachery  of 
Ptolemy's  general,  who  betrayed  the  cities  and  forces 
under  his  command,  Antiochus,  by  218  b.  c,  v.^as  mas- 


CONQUEST   OF  PALESTINE   BY  ANTIOCHUS        295 

ter  of  Syria  and  Palestine.  In  the  following  year, 
however,  Philopator  inflicted  upon  him  a  crusliiiig 
defeat  (Dan.  xi.  12)  at  Raphia  on  the  borders  of  Egypt, 
and  kept  him  out  of  Palestine  for  the  next  fifteen 
years.  After  this  victory,  Philopator  is  said  to  have 
visited  Jerusalem,  and  to  have  attempted  to  enter  the 
temple.  He  was  probably  deterred  by  the  outcries  of 
the  people.  The  third  Book  of  Maccabees  associates 
with  his  name  the  story  of  an  attempt  to  exterminate 
his  Jewish  subjects  in  Egypt.  It  is  at  least  evident 
that  he  alienated  the  affection  of  the  Jews  just  at 
the  time  when  their  fidelity  was  destined  to  be  most 
severely  tested. 

277.  As  soon  as  Philopator  died  in  205  b.  c,  leaving 
his  throne  to  his  son,  a  child  of  five  years,  Antiochus 
advanced  into  Palestine,  and  in  202  b.  c.  reconquered 
it.  An  Egyptian  army  was  sent  under  Scopas  to 
maintain  the  authority  of  Ptolemy ;  but  in  a  battle 
near  Paneion  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Hermon,  it  was 
finally  defeated  in  198  B.  c.  by  the  forces  of  Antiochus. 
The  sufferings  of  the  Jews  at  this  time  were  extreme, 
for  they  were  the  prey  of  both  armies.  Josephus  com- 
pares their  lot  to  that  of  a  ship  tossed  by  the  waves 
on  both  sides  (Ant.  xii.  3,  3).  Many  were  carried  off 
as  slaves,  and  many  more  took  refuge  in  flight  (Jos. 
Ant.  xii.  3,  3-4).  Some  of  them  from  the  first  em- 
braced the  cause  of  Antiochus,  possibly  hoping  thereby 
to  secure  greater  independence ;  but  they  were  doomed 
to  disappointment,  for  Antiochus  seized  Palestine 
"  with  destruction  in  his  hand  "  (Dan.  xi.  14-16). 

278.  In  return,  however,  for  the  provision  which 
they  furnished  for  his  army  and  for  their  assistance 
in   expelling  the  Egyptian   garrison   from  Jerusalem, 


296       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

Antiochus  undoubtedly  granted  them  special  privileges. 
Josephus  states  that,  inasmuch  as  Jerusalem  had  been 
greatly  depopulated  by  the  ravages  to  wliich  it  had 
been  recently  subjected,  Antiochus  offered  certain  in- 
ducements intended  to  draw  back  those  who  had  been 
scattered  abroad.  Liberal  appropriations  were  made 
to. defray  the  expenses  of  the  temple  service,  and  to 
rebuild  the  sacred  structure.  The  public  officials  of 
the  nation  and  the  temple  ministers  were  exempted 
from  the  poll-tax,  and  the  Judean  community  as  a 
whole  relieved  of  all  taxation  for  three  years,  until  it 
should  recover  its  former  population  and  resources, 
and  after  that  period  was  freed  from  one-third  of  its 
former  taxes.  Freedom  and  restoration  to  their  former 
possessions  were  granted  to  all  who  had  been  sold 
into  slavery ;  full  religious  liberty  was  also  guaranteed 
to  the  Jews,  and  the  execution  of  the  strict  Jewish 
law  within  Jerusalem  was  enforced  by  royal  decree 
(Ant.  xii.  3,  3,  4).  While  the  generosity  of  some  of 
these  concessions  arouses  the  suspicion  that  the  Jewish 
historian  has  idealized  the  facts,  the  statements  accord 
so  closely  with  the  situation  to  which  they  are  assigned 
that  they  must  rest  upon  some  authentic  data.  It 
was  certainly  for  the  interests  of  Antiochus  to  win  at 
any  cost  the  loyalty  of  the  Jews.  He  also  did  not 
manifest  in  his  other  acts  the  extremely  mercenary 
spirit  of  his  successors,  which  would  have  made  many 
of  the  more  important  concessions  impossible.  Some 
such  acts  as  these  alone  explain  the  favor  which  he 
enjoyed  in  the  eyes  of  later  Jews.  He  is  also  said  to 
have  deported  two  thousand  families  of  Jews  from 
Mesopotamia  and  Babylon,  and  to  have  settled  them 
in  the  rebellious  provinces  of   Phrygia  and   Lydia  to 


THE  RULE   OF  THE   SELEUCIDS  297 

guard  the  royal  interests.  Lands,  and  the  remission 
of  all  taxes  for  ten  years,  and  grain  for  seed,  and  food 
sufficient  to  supply  their  immediate  needs,  were  granted 
them.  Their  civil  and  religious  freedom  was  also  care- 
fully guarded.  Evidently  the  Seleucids  found  the  Jews 
as  useful  subjects  as  did  the  Ptolemies. 

279.  Henceforth,  Palestine  never  reverted  to  Egypt. 
In  193  B.  c,  Antiochus  nominally  gave  the  taxes  of 
Coelo-Syria  and  Palestine  as  a  dowry  to  his  daughter 
on  her  marriage  to  Ptolemy  Y.  (Epiphanes) ;  but  this 
territory  itself  was  firmly  held  by  Syrian  governors 
and  garrisons.  In  their  change  of  masters,  the  Jews 
gained  little  permanent  advantage.  Antiochus  aimed 
to  build  up  an  empire  which  would  effectually  check 
the  advance  of  the  Romans  in  the  East ;  but  at  the  great 
battle  of  Magnesia  in  190  b.  c,  he  himself  was  forced 
to  bow  before  the  new  world-conquerors.  Soon  after, 
while  vainly  endeavoring  to  replenish  his  treasury  by 
plundering  the  temple  of  Belus  in  Elymais,  he  was 
slain  (Dan.  xi.  18,  19),  The  ambitions  of  his  son  and 
successor  Seleucus  IV.  (Philopator)  were  not  for  glory 
and  conquest,  but  for  the  means  wherewith  to  gratify 
his  luxurious  tastes,  and  to  pay  the  tribute  demanded 
by  Rome,  whose  powerful  influence  henceforth  shaped 
the  politics  of  southwestern  Asia. 

280.  His  character  and  needs  lend  credence  to  the 
story  in  II.  Maccabees  iii.  concerning  his  attempt  to 
rob  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  He  was  incited  to  do 
so  by  a  traitorous  Jew  by  the  name  of  Simon,  who  had 
once  been  the  guardian  of  the  temple,  but  had  quar- 
relled with  Onias  HI.  the  high  priest.  In  spite,  he 
informed  Seleucus,  through  his  governor  Apollonius, 
that  the  treasury  in  Jerusalem  was  full  of  untold  sums 


298       THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

of  money.  The  possibility  of  securing  it  led  the  king 
to  despatch  his  chancellor  Heliodorus  to  Judea  with 
orders  to  remove  it.  Although  the  high  priest  as- 
serted, in  response  to  the  inquiries  of  Heliodorus,  that 
the  treasure  was  not  great,  and  that  it  represented  the 
deposits  of  private  individuals,  its  surrender  was  de- 
manded. The  possibility  that  the  sanctity  of  their 
temple  would  be  violated,  called  forth  from  the  entire 
populace  the  most  passionate  protests.  When  Helio- 
dorus entered  the  sanctuary  to  seize  its  treasures,  he 
was  confronted  by  an  apparition  which  led  him  to  turn 
back  in  fright.  Corrupt  as  were  the  Greeks  at  this 
time,  they  had  not  learned  to  pillage  temples  without 
experiencing  a  feeling  of  terror.  The  memory  of  the 
fate  of  Antiochus  the  Great  was  still  fresh.  The  atti- 
tude of  the  excitable  Jews,  who  would  endure  any- 
thing except  an  affront  to  their  religion,  was  enough 
to  intimidate  braver  men  than  were  found  in  this 
degenerate  age.  That  Seleucus  Philopator  made  some 
such  attempt  to  rob  the  Jews  is  confirmed  by  the  fact 
that  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  who  must  have 
been  then  living,  refers  to  him  as  ''  one  who  shall 
cause  an  exactor  to  pass  through  the  glory  of  the 
kingdom."  The  temple  treasure  was  also  saved  from 
spoliation  at  this  time  as  the  story  in  II.  Maccabees 
states,  for  it  was  carried  off  later  by  Antiochus  Epiph- 
anes,  who  succeeded  Seleucus  in  176  B.C.  His  acces- 
sion marks  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  Greek 
period,  for  just  vrhen  tyranny,  injustice,  treachery,  and 
degenerate  heathenism  seemed  to  have  attained  a  com- 
plete triumpli,  the  best  and  bravest  elements  in  Juda- 
ism, which  hitherto  had  remained  silent,  arose  and 
asserted  themselves. 


Ill 

JEWISH    LIFE    IX    EGYPT    AND    PALESTIKE 

281.  The  closing  decade  of  the  Greek  period  marks 
the  transition  to  a  new  era ;  hut  the  life  and  thought  of 
the  preceding  century  and  a  half  constitute  a  unit,  and 
may  best  be  studied  as  such.  The  Persian  period  wit- 
nessed the  birth  and  development  of  Judaism,  and  the 
Greek  its  testing.  The  one  was  comparatively  peace- 
ful, the  other  was  disturbed  by  frequent  and  devastating 
wars.  Under  Greek  rule,  great  numbers  of  the  Jews 
were  again  dragged  from  the  seclusion  which  many  of 
them  had  found  in  Palestine,  and  projected  into  the 
main  currents  of  the  world's  life.  The  tendency  toward 
centralization,  which  had  been  so  strong  during  the  last 
century  of  the  Persian  period,  was  completely  reversed. 
By  force  and  free  choice  the  Jews  were  scattered  more 
widely  than  before,  so  that  soon  colonies  of  them  were 
found  from  the  Indus  almost  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercules, 
and  from  the  Indian  Ocean  to  the  Black  Sea.  Those  in 
the  East  almost  disappeared  from  history  for  a  few 
centuries  ;  while  the  new  emigrants  to  Egypt,  uniting 
with  those  already  there,  in  numbers  probably  exceeded 
the  Jews  who  remained  behind  in  Palestine. 

282.  The  Egyptian  Jews  of  course  took  with  them 
copies  of  their  sacred  writings,  and  especially  the  law, 
which  they  studied  faithfully  in  their  synagogues  estab- 


300       THE    GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

lished  in  the  lands  of  the  dispersion.  They  were  so 
near  Jerusalem,  that  under  the  Ptolemies  many  of 
them  made  frequent  pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem  to  cele- 
brate the  great  religious  feasts.  Each  had  the  privilege 
of  contributing  his  yearly  tax  of  about  thirty  cents  for 
the  support  of  the  temple.  Although  connection  with 
their  kinsmen  in  Judah  was  exceedingly  close,  their 
different  pursuits,  and  the  active  intellectual  atmos- 
phere, especially  of  Alexandria,  where  the  majority  of 
them  were  found,  and  their  intimate  contact  with  Greek 
life  and  thought,  powerfully  affected  them,  and  produced 
a  much  broader  type  of  Judaism.  Engaged  as  they 
were  in  trade,  they  naturally  adopted  its  language,  which 
was  a  dialect  known  as  Hellenistic  Greek.  A  famil- 
iarity with  this  new  tongue,  Avhicli  was  a  modified  and 
simplified  form  of  classical  Greek,  opened  to  the  Jews 
for  the  first  time  the  literary  treasures  of  Hellas. 
Before  long  in  Egypt  this  new  language  completely 
supplanted  the  ancient  Hebrew,  which  even  in  Palestine 
had  almost  ceased  to  be  spoken.  Consequently,  a 
century  or  two  after  the  conquest  of  Alexander,  the 
demand  for  a  translation  of  the  Jewish  scriptures  into 
Hellenistic  Greek  became  imperative. 

283.  According  to  the  late  tradition  associated  with 
the  name  of  Aristeas,  and  recounted  by  Josephus  (Ant. 
xii.  2),  it  was  made  under  the  patronage  of  Ptolemy  II. 
(Philadelphus),  who  wished  thereby  to  show  his  favor 
to  the  Jews,  and  to  secure  a  copy  of  their  sacred  writ- 
ings for  the  great  library  at  Alexandria.  The  story 
states  that  he  first  purchased  at  an  enormous  expense 
the  freedom  of  all  the  Jewish  slaves  in  Egypt,  and  then 
that,  at  his  request,  Eleazer  the  high  priest  at  Jerusa- 
lem sent  to  him  seventy -two  learned  Jews,  six  from 


THE  TRANSLATION  OF  THE   SEPTUAGINT         301 

each  of  the  twelve  tribes.  On  their  arrival,  every 
facility  was  granted  them  for  their  work.  After  seventy- 
two  days  they  presented  to  the  king  a  translation  which 
was  admired  alike  by  him  and  by  the  Jewish  people. 
The  improbabilities  of  the  tale  are  obvious.  A  complete 
translation  within  the  time  given  was  practically 
impossible.  The  scribes,  not  of  Jerusalem,  but  of 
Alexandria  would  at  that  date  alone  be  familiar  with 
the  Greek  language.  The  translation  itself,  which 
bears  the  title  "The  Septuagint "  ("the  seventy"), 
testifies  by  its  peculiarities  tliat  it  is  the  work  of  Alex- 
andrian Jews.  Different  books  were  evidently  trans- 
lated by  different  men,  and  probably  at  different  times. 
The  books  of  the  law,  which  naturally  received  the 
first  attention,  were  translated  much  more  literally  and 
carefully  than  those  of  the  prophets.  In  some  cases, 
the  translators  did  not  grasp  the  meaning  of  the  original 
Hebrew,  in  others  they  employed  a  different  Hebrew 
text  from  the  one  now  accepted,  and  in  others  they 
translated  freely,  introducing  variations ;  while  to 
such  late  books  as  Esther  and  Daniel  they  added 
long  sections.  The  tradition,  which  assigns  the 
beginning  of  the  work  of  translation  to  the  reign  of 
Ptolemy  II.  (Philadelphus)  about  250  B.  c.  is  un- 
doubtedly historical.  Many  of  the  Old  Testament 
books  were  not  composed  until  much  later,  so  that 
probably  all  v/ere  not  translated  before  the  middle  of 
the  next  century  at  least.  In  132  B.  a,  the  grandson  of 
Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  was  acquainted  with  a  Greek 
version  of  "  the  law,  the  prophets,  and  the  other 
writings."  The  law  may  well  have  appeared  in  Greek 
before  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Philadelphus.  This 
broad-minded  king  may  also  have  encouraged  the  Jews 


302       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

in  the  task,  the  accomplishment  of  which  was  so 
essential  to  the  contentment  of  a  large  and  important 
body  of  his  subjects. 

284.  As  the  variations  between  tlie  original  Hebrew 
and  the  Greek  text  indicate,  the  translation  was  made, 
not  only  for  the  use  of  the  Jews,  but  also  to  commend 
the  Jewish  race  and  religion  to  the  Greek  world. 
Anthropomorphisms  in  the  Hebrew  original  are  often 
eliminated.  Many  inconsistent  dates  and  numbers  are 
altered,  and  an  effort  is  made  to  explain  obscurities. 
The  success  and  influence  enjoyed  by  the  Jews  of 
Egypt  made  them  the  object  of  bitter  attack  both  by 
Greek  and  native  Egyptian  writers.  The  modern  anti- 
Semitic  movement  may  be  traced  back  to  the  Greek 
period,  and  to  the  same  real  causes,  commercial,  politi- 
cal, and  religious,  which  produce  it  to-day.  In  his  long 
liistory  of  Egypt,  written  in  Greek,  the  Egyptian  priest 
Manetho,  who  lived  during  the  reign  of  Philadelphus, 
introduced  certain  legends  concerning  the  origin  and 
early  history  of  the  Jews  which  placed  them  in  an  un- 
favorable light  before  the  heathen  world.  Many  other 
writers  followed  the  example  of  Manetho.  The  Jews 
replied  by  counter-statements.  The  translation  of  their 
histories  and  laws  may  have  primarily  been  intended  to 
refute  the  false  charges  brought  against  them.  A 
certain  Hellenistic  Jew,  Demetrius  by  name,  about  215 
B.  c,  also  wrote  a  detailed  history  of  the  Jewish  kings. 
Others  issued  fantastic  tales  respecting  their  ancestors. 
Then,  when  their  foes  rejected  all  writings  obviously  of 
Jewish  origin,  they  appealed  to  the  earlier  heathen 
liistorians  who  had  referred  to  them. 

285.  As  the  contest  grew  more  heated,  in  order  to 
defend  themselves  and  to  give  currency  to  their  ideas, 


APOLOGETIC   LITERATURE   OF  THE   JEWS        303 

the  Jews  took  the  liberty  of  expanding  the  original 
writings  of  Greek  historians,  like  Hecataeus  (sect.  264), 
who  had  spoken  of  them  favorably.  The  deception  in 
some  cases  must  have  succeeded,  for  they  issued  a  great 
number  of  such  writings,  even  putting  verses  into  the 
mouths  of  the  most  famous  Greek  poets,  like  ^schylus, 
Sophocles,  and  Meander.  Often  the  forgeries  were  very 
skilful,  genuine  and  spurious  verses  being  artfully  inter- 
mingled. Later,  they  even  introduced  a  Jewish 
prophecy  into  the  mouth  of  the  heathen  Sybil.  These 
devices,  although  not  justified  by  the  low  standards 
of  the  age,  indicate  to  what  an  extent  the  Jews  of  the 
dispersion  became  acquainted  with  Greek  literature,  and 
were  influenced  by  contact  with  its  thought.  Their 
eagerness  to  commend  their  faith  to  the  Greek  world 
foreshadowed  the  important  proselyting  movement 
which  found  in  Alexandria  its  chief  centre.  Their 
forgeries  were  a  practical  admission  that  Jehovah  spoke 
through  the  great  heathen  poets  as  well  as  through 
their  prophets.  Thus,  as  they  were  brought  into  more 
intimate  relations,  the  Jew  and  the  Greek  learned  to 
appreciate  what  was  best  in  their  respective  religions, 
and  the  way  was  prepared  for  their  ultimate  fusion  in 
Christianity.  But  before  that  fusion  could  be  consum- 
mated, Judaism  must  save  itself  from  being  engulfed  by 
its  more  powerful  rival. 

286.  Jerusalem  was  the  natural  stronghold  of  Ju- 
daism, and  conditions  there  were  entirely  different 
from  those  in  its  great  outpost,  Alexandria,  The  loose 
rule  of  the  Greeks,  which  left  dependent  states  to  rule 
themselves,  favored  the  extension  of  the  civil  authority 
of  the  high  priests.  As  local  princes,  they  ruled  over 
the   Judean  community,  imposed  taxes,  made   public 


304       THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

improvements,  and  represented  the  Jews  at  the  courts 
of  Alexandria  and  Antioch.  The  needs  of  the  situa- 
tion, and  the  commands  of  the  law,  gave  them  great 
influence.  That  many  of  them  misused  their  power 
is  plainly  indicated  both  by  the  proverbs  and  by  the 
stories  coming  from  the  period.  The  exceptions  re- 
ceive especial  notice.  Several  lists  of  the  names  of 
the  different  high  priests  have  been  preserved,  but  the 
duration  of  their  rule  cannot  be  definitely  determined, 
since  the  testimony  of  the  sources  differs  (Chronicon 
Pascliale ;  G.  Syncellus,  Chronogr.  and  Canon). 
Jaddua,  who  was  high  priest  when  Alexander  con- 
quered Palestine,  lived  until  about  330  b.  c,  Onias  I., 
his  successor,  ruled  until  about  300,  Simeon  I.  until 
about  285,  and  his  brother  Eleazer  until  about  265. 
Manasseh  and  the  brother  of  Simeon  held  the  office 
until  about  240,  when  Simeon's  son  Onias  II.  became 
high  priest.  About  225,  lie  was  succeeded  by  Simeon 
II.,  who  ruled  until  about  195. 

287.  He  is  probably  the  famous  Simon  the  Just, 
who  figures  in  Rabbinical  tradition  as  a  great  teacher 
and  benefactor  of  his  race.  To  him  was  attributed 
the  saying :  "  The  w^orld  rests  upon  three  things :  the 
law,  worship,  and  good  works"  (Pirkc-Aboth  i.  2). 
His  contemporary,  the  son  of  Sirach,  informs  us  that 
he  repaired  the  foundations  and  fortified  the  temple. 
He  also  improved  its  water-supply,  and  fortified  the 
city  of  Jerusalem  (Ecclus.  1.  1-4).  These  repairs 
were  undoubtedly  much  needed  after  Jerusalem  had 
been  subjected  to  repeated  sieges  and  assaults  during 
tlie  destructive  wars  w^aged  between  the  Seleucids  and 
the  Ptolemies  from  220  to  198  b.  c.  The  work  of 
Simon   II.    was    possible   because    of   the    concessions 


THE   WORK  OF   SIMON  THE   JUST  305 

which  Josephus  reports  were  granted  to  the  Jews  by 
Antiochus  the  Great  after  the  final  conquest  of 
Palestine  in  198  B.  c.  (sect.  278).  The  liberal  policy  of 
Antiochus,  supported  by  the  wise,  energetic  action 
of  Simon,  seems  to  have  revived  the  fortunes  of  the 
Jewish  community,  and  to  have  drawn  back  many  who 
had  fled  during  the  two  preceding  decades.  Simon 
himself  was  the  object  of  popular  affection  and  grati- 
tude, for  "he  took  thought  for  his  people  that  'they 
should  not  fall"  (Ecclus.  1.  4).  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach 
can  hardly  find  language  strong  enough  to  describe  his 
commanding  mien  as  he  performed  his  high  priestly 
duties,  clad  in  his  "  robe  of  glory,"  attended  by  the 
priests ;  while  all  the  people  ''  fell  down  upon  the  earth 
on  their  faces  "  and  "  the  singers  praised  Jehovah  with 
their  voices,  until  in  the  whole  house  there  was  made 
sweet  melody"  (1.  5-18).  We  can  also  behold  the 
people  "  in  prayer  before  him  that  is  merciful,"  and 
the  beloved  high  priest,  with  outstretched  hands,  bless- 
ing the  assembled  "  congregation  of  the  children  of 
Israel"  (1.19-21).  From  such  passages  as  this  it  is 
possible  to  understand  why  their  religion  and  ritual 
had  so  great  a  hold  upon  the  hearts  of  the  Jews  as  it 
did,  and  why  the  influence  of  the  high  priests  was  as 
strong  as  it  was. 

288.  In  connection  with  the  concessions  granted  by 
Antiochus  the  Great,  the  first  reference  is  made  to  the 
Gerousia,  or  council  of  the  elders  (Jos.  Ant.  xii.  3,  3). 
Undoubtedly  heretofore  each  high  priest  had  consulted 
the  heads  of  the  families  and  prominent  men  of  the 
community  before  taking  important  action  ;  but  hence- 
forth they  constitute  an  organized  and  recognized  body, 
the  legislative   and  executive  powers  of   which  were 

20 


306       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

constantly  increased.  At  this  time  also  the  scribes 
of  the  temple  and  the  sacred  singers  were  recognized 
as  public  officials,  side  by  side  with  the  senators  and 
priests,  and  as  such  exempted  from  taxation.  The 
genial  son  of  Sirach,  whose  keen  observations  marvel- 
lously reveal  the  life  of  his  age,  remarks  that : 

The  wisdom  of  the  scribe  comes  by  opportunity  of  leisure : 
And  he  that  has  little  business  shall  become  wise.^ 

He  regards  the  other  professions  as  necessary,  but 
that  of  the  scribe  by  far  the  most  honorable.  The 
scribes  are  the  ones  that  are  sought  for  in  the  council 
of  the  people,  they  occupy  the  honorable  seats  in  the 
public  assemblies,  they  act  as  judges  and  expound  the 
law,  they  are  the  teachers  of  the  people,  and  they  utter 
wise  parables  (xxxviii.  24-34). 

289.  The  same  writer  refers  to  the  different  pro- 
fessions and  occupations  open  to  his  fellow  Jews  who 
did  not  possess  the  leisure  and  ability  to  become 
scholars.  Physicians  are  found,  but  they  are  evidently 
regarded  with  suspicion  by  many.  The  advice  offered 
in  regard  to  them  by  the  son  of  Sirach  is  as  amusing 
as  it  is  profound  : 

Honor  your   physician    according  to  your  need   of  him 

with  the  honors  due  him  ; 
Tor  verily  the  Lord  hath  created  him. 
The  skill  of  a  physician  shall  lift  up  his  head  ; 
And  in  the  sight  of  great  men  he  shall  be  admired. 
The  Lord  created  medicines  out  of  the  earth ; 
And  a  prudent  man  will  have  no  disgust  at  them. 
He  that  sins  before  his  Maker, 
Let  him  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  physician.^ 

1  xxxviii.  24.  ^  xxxviii.  1,  3,  4,  15. 


OCCUPATIONS  OF  THE   PALESTINIAN  JEWS        307 

Apothecaries  were  also  found  to  put  up  the  prescrip- 
tions of  the  men  of  medicine  (xxxviii.  8).  Among 
those  "  who  maintain  the  fabric  of  the  world,  whose 
prayer  is  the  handiwork  of  their  craft"  (xxxviii.  25~ 
34)  are  mentioned  those  who  hold  the  plough  whose 
"  wakefulness  is  to  give  their  heifers  their  fodder," 
artificers,  master-workmen,  engravers  of  signets,  smiths 
who  "  wrestle  in  the  heat  of  their  furnaces,"  and 
potters  who  "  are  alwaj^s  anxiously  sitting  at  their 
work."  While  many  other  ancient  nations  despised 
manual  labor  the  Jews  honored  it. 

Hate  not  laborious  work : 

Neither  husbandry  which  the  Most  High  hath  ordained,* 

was  the  motto  in  accordance  with  which  they  won  a 
living  in  barren  Judah.  In  the  Greek  period  the  truth 
of  the  statement  that, 

A  merchant  shall  hardly  keep  from  wrong-doing ; 
And  a  huckster  shall  not  be  acquitted  of  sin,^ 

cannot  be  questioned. 

290.  Many  of  the  old  democratic  ideas  still  obtained 
in  Palestine.  The  assembly  of  the  people  for  the 
consideration  of  public  questions  was  still  common. 
Joseph  the  tax-collector  was  authorized  by  such  an 
assembly  to  represent  the  high  priest  and  the  Jewish 
community  at  the  court  of  the  Ptolemies  (sect.  275). 
The  son  of  Sirach  repeatedly  advises  the  rulers  to 
patronize  the  multitude  that  they  may  secure  their 
favor  (iv.  7  ;  xxxi.  23,  24).  Even  such  a  worthy  man 
as  he  did  not  entirely  resist  the  great  temptations  of 

1  vii.  15.  2  xxvi.  29. 


308       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

liis  age  to  pander  to  the  rich  and  influential  (\v.  7). 
Gohl  was  potent  in  Judah,  as  well  as  in  corrupt 
Alexandria,  and  "  presents  and  gifts  blinded  the  eyes 
of  the  wise  "  (viii.  2 ;  xx.  29).  As  in  the  days  before 
the  exile,  judges  perverted  justice,  and  there  was  no 
court  of  appeal.  '^  Poor  men  were  a  pasture  for  the 
rich "  (xiii.  2-20).  It  was  a  selfish,  grasping  age, 
when  might  too  often  made  right,  and  the  cause  of 
the  oppressed  had  few  champions. 

Bread,  discipline,  and  work  for  a  servant ; 

Yoke  and  thong  will  bow  the  neck  ; 

And  for  an  evil  servant  there  are  racks  and  torture 

voiced  the  prevailing  spirit  of  the  day  rather  than : 

If  you  have  a  servant  treat  him  as  j-ourself.^ 

Judaism  continued  to  present  the  most  glaring  con- 
trasts both  in  individual  character  and  teaching.  It 
produced  such  different  types  as  Simon  the  Just  and 
Joseph  the  unprincipled  tax-collector.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  had  before  its  eyes  the  noble  teachings  and 
examples  of  the  past,  and  on  the  other  the  corruption, 
the  greed,  and  the  injustice  of  its  Greek  masters. 
Under  the  rule  of  the  law,  which  emphasized  ritual 
rather  than  personal  conduct,  the  most  shameless  deeds 
were  often  tolerated.  Prophets  of  the  ancient  type 
were  no  longer  found  to  denounce  them,  and  thereby  to 
furnish  the  true  corrective  to  the  teachings  of  the 
priests. 

291.    The  pictures  of    Jewish  home  life  which  the 
son    of    Sirach    also    gives,    are    certainly    realistic. 

1  xxxiii.  24,  26,31. 


DOMESTIC  RELATIONS  OF  THE  JEWS  309 

^len  who  were  themselves  ruled  by  an  uncompromis- 
ing law  naturally  ruled  their  families  with  a  rod  of 
iron.  "  Stripes  and  correction  are  wisdom  at  every 
season"  (xxii.  6).  Children  were  l)rought  up  on 
the  same  principle  that  horses  were  broken  to  the 
harness  (xxx.  8).  The  frank  comradeship  between 
father  and  son,  which  is  one  of  the  charms  of  the 
Christian  home,  was  regarded  as  dangerous : 

Play  with  your  son,  and  he  will  grieve  you, 

Laugh  not  with  him,  lest  you  have  sorrow  with  him. 

Give  him  no  liberty  in  his  youth 

And  beat  him  on  his  sides  while  he  is  a  child, 

Lest  he  grow  stubborn,  and  be  disobedient  toward  you.^ 

One  wonders  who  deserves  the  most  pity,  the  father 
who  is  compelled  by  a  false  doctrine  ever  to  play  the 
tyrant,  or  the  child  who  is  tlie  victim.  Daughters  are 
regarded  as  a  constant  care  (xlii.  9-11).  Happy, 
trustful  relations  are  known  between  husband  and  wife, 
but  not  equality  (xxvi.  1-4).  "The  beauty  of  a  good 
wife  is  the  ordering  of  her  husband's  house  "  (xxvi.  16). 
Evil  wives  are  kept  under  lock  and  key  (xlii.  6). 
When  a  man  was  tired  of  his  wife,  he  could  divorce 
her  (xxv.  26).  The  majority  of  the  women  with 
whom  the  son  of  Sirach  was  acquainted,  appear  to  have 
been  quarrelsome,  jealous  of  each  other,  given  to  gos- 
sip, and  in  some  cases  addicted  to  drink  and  unchaste, 
—  the  inevitable  consequence  of  a  false  social  system 
(xxv.  16-26  ;  xxvi.  5-12).  As  in  the  East  to-day, 
man  was  regarded  as  the  only  important  member  of 
society,  and  women,  children,  and  slaves,  his  chattels. 
Consequently,  men  found  their  real  companionship  in 

1  XXX,  9-12. 


310       THE   GREEK   PEllIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

each  other's  society.  With  so  little  in  their  political 
and  domestic  life  to  help  and  inspire  them,  it  is  not 
strange  that  the  period  produced  so  few  noble  char- 
acters. Their  national  memories,  their  law,  their 
sacred  writings,  and  their  temple  service  were  the  only 
forces  which  upheld  and  inspired  them. 


TV 

DIFFERENT  CURRENTS   OF   JEWISH   THOUGHT 

292,  Even  the  dull  monotony  and  the  dreary  out- 
look of  the  Greek  period  did  not  entirely  quench  the 
perennial  hopefulness  of  the  Jews.  The  national  ex- 
pectations, however,  which  found  expression  were 
influenced  by  the  narrowing,  degenerate  influences  of 
the  age.  The  broad  tolerance  of  the  author  of  the 
Book  of  Jonah  found  few  apostles.  Stung  to  fury  by 
the  contempt  and  violence  of  the  heathen,  with  whom 
they  had  been  brought  into  painful  contact,  they  longed 
for  the  destruction  of  their  foes.  The  author  of 
Zechariah  ix.  to  xiv.  rejoices  in  the  prospect  of  their 
overthrow,  which  he  regards  as  the  necessary  premise 
to  the  exaltation  of  Jehovah's  people.  In  the  day  of 
judgment,  which  he  hopes  is  near,  the  Jews,  he  de- 
clares, instead  of  being  the  prey  of  the  nations,  will 
divide  the  spoil.  By  his  omnipotent  power,  Jehovah 
will  establish  his  rule  over  the  world.  Then  the  flesh 
of  the  nations,  which  have  warred  against  Jerusalem, 
shall  rot  away  as  they  stand,  —  their  eyes  in  their 
sockets  and  their  tongues  in  their  mouths.  The  few 
who  survive,  shall,  like  the  Jews  of  the  dispersion, 
make  annual  pilgrimages  to  Jerusalem,  and  faithfully 
observe  the  law.  Plagues  shall  smite  those  who  go 
not  up  to  keep  the  feast   of  tabernacles.     A  greater 


312       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

contrast  could  not  be  imngined  than  is  found  between 
these  gory  predictions,  and  the  ideal  of  the  suffering 
servant  of  Jehovah  who  finds  his  true  life  in  the 
service  of  mankind.  It  is  the  difference  between  the 
earlier  prophetic  teaching,  and  that  of  the  prophet 
Jonah,  wlio  is  represented  as  sitting  outside  of  Nineveh 
complaining  of  C4od's  mercy  in  sparing  the  ignorant 
Ninevites  (Jon.  iv.).  It  finds  expression  in  certain 
psalms.  It  represents  the  attitude  of  perhaps  a  major- 
ity of  the  Jewish  race  toward  the  hostile  Gentile  world 
during  the  succeeding  centuries.  It  voiced  the  feel- 
ings and  hopes  of  the  nationalistic  party  who  longed 
for  the  day  Avhen  Jehovah  would  "  stir  up  your  sons, 
0  Zion,  against  your  sons,  0  Greece,  and  make  his 
people  as  the  sword  of  a  mighty  man,"  that  they  might 
drink  the  blood  of  their  nation's  enemies  (Zech.  ix.  13, 
15).  They  were  the  ones  who  rallied  about  the  sons 
of  Mattathias  and  were  not  content  until,  not  only  reli- 
gious, but  also  political  liberty  was  secured. 

293.  The  character  and  w^ritings  of  the  chronicler 
reveal  another  and  brighter  side  of  Hellenistic  Juda- 
ism. Living  in  the  glorious  past  of  his  nation,  and 
intent  only  upon  the  institutions  of  the  ritual,  he 
cared  little  what  the  heathen  might  do,  provided  the 
temple  service  was  not  interrupted.  Life  for  him  con- 
sisted in  conforming  to  the  varied  demands  of  the  law 
and  in  the  worship  of  the  sanctuary.  To  him  cere- 
monial details  were  much  more  important  than  the 
rise  and  fall  of  the  nations.  He  undoubtedly  repre- 
sented a  large  class  in  Judah.  Their  ideals  were  in- 
deed narrow  and  temporal,  and  their  conception  of 
religion  by  no  means  attractive  ;  but  it  must  be  noted 
that  their  faith  was  sincere,  and  that  they  were  char- 


THE   WORK  OF  THE   WISE   MEN  OF  ISRAEL       313 

acterized  by  an  intense  moral  earnestness  and  by  a 
complete  consecration  to  their  conception  of  duty.  It 
was  not  the  dreamers  who  waited  with  folded  hands 
for  Jehovah,  by  some  miraculous  act,  to  destroy  the 
foes  of  the  true  religion,  but  the  type  represented  by 
the  chronicler,  who  firmly  met  and  overcame  the 
repeated  shocks  and  temptations  which  assailed  their 
nation  during  the  Greek  period.  They  were  the  stern 
Puritans  of  their  age,  the  lineal  descendants  of  the 
followers  of  Ezra,  who  stood  unmoved  while  many 
of  broader  culture  bowed  down  before  the  gods  of 
Hellas. 

294.  Another  distinct  current  of  Jewish  thought  is 
represented  by  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach.  He,  like  the 
author  of  Ecclesiastes,  belonged  to  that  unobtrusive 
but  influential  group  of  teachers  known  as  the  wise. 
Already  they  were  a  familiar  figure  in  Israel's  history 
(I.  sect.  7).  Side  by  side  with  the  prophets  and  priests, 
they  had  faithfully  labored  in  their  peculiar  way  for 
the  uplifting  of  the  race  (Jer.  xviii.  18).  The  Book  of 
Proverbs,  which  has  preserved  many  of  their  most 
characteristic  teachings,  is  the  best  testimonial  to  their 
work.  Not  the  nation  but  the  individual,  questions 
not  of  public,  but  of  private  interest,  commanded  their 
entire  attention.  While  they  lacked  the  inspiration 
and  exalted  ideals  of  the  prophets,  they  came  closer 
to  the  daily  life  of  the  people.  When  the  prophetic 
voices  began  to  become  indistinct,  they  continued  to 
break  tlie  bread  of  truth  to  the  masses  who  came  to 
them  for  advice.  They  were  the  pastors  and  familiar 
advisers  of  the  community.  Their  method  of  teach- 
ing by  proverbs  and  parables  was  exceedingly  accept- 
able to  the  Oriental  mind.     The  exhortation  : 


314       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF   JEWISH  HISTORY 

Neglect  not  the  discourse  of  the  wise, 
And  be  conversant  with  their  proverbs ; 
For  of  them  you  shall  learn  instruction, 
And  how  to  minister  to  great  men/ 

was  undoubtedly  heeded  by  the  majority  of  the  Jews. 
Not  without  reason  did  the  son  of  Sirach  declare  : 

The  wise  man  shall  inherit  confidence  among  his  people, 
And  his  name  shall  live  forever.^ 

The  universality  of  their  teaching  was  a  valuable 
corrective  to  the  narrowing  tendencies  of  Judaism. 
In  many  of  their  utterances,  as  well  as  in  their  method 
and  point  of  view,  the  wise  anticipated  the  "  One 
greater  than  Solomon."  Even  though  the  son  of 
Sirach  was  greatly  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  his  age 
he  taught  that : 

The  mercy  of  man  is  upon  his  neighbor  ; 
But  the  mercy  of  the  Lord  is  upon  all  flesh. ^ 

He  also  prays  Jehovah  to  send  his  fear  upon  all  the 
nations, 

And  let  them  know  thee,  as  we  also  know  thee. 
That  there  is  no  God  but  only  thou,  0  God.'^ 

Like  the  author  of  Zechariah  ix.  to  xiv.,  however,  he 
regards  the  destruction  of  the  enemies  of  his  race  as 
necessary  before  Jehovah's  universal  kingdom  can  be 
established  (xxxvi.  7-10). 

295.    The  son  of  Sirach  lived  when  the  wise  man  was 
becoming  a  scribe.     His  use    of   proverbs,  his   broad 

1  Ecclus.  viii.  8.  ^  xviii.  13. 

2  xxxvii.  26.  ^  xxxvi.  2,  5. 


THE   FUSION  OF   WISE   MAN  AND   SCKIBE         315 

outlook,  and  his  consideration  of  the  commonplace 
affairs  of  life  are  all  characteristic  of  the  earlier  wise ; 
but  the  emphasis  which  he  places  upon  the  observa- 
tion of  the  Jewish  ceremonial  law,  is  an  element 
foreign  to  the  old  wisdom-school  which  practically 
ignored  it.  The  law  had  reduced  the  successors  of 
those  valiant  defenders  of  personal  righteousness,  the 
prophets,  to  a  position  of  vassalage.  It  was  not  to  be 
expected  that  the  wise  would  be  able  to  withstand  its 
imperious  demands.  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  perhaps 
referring  to  the  struggles  of  the  past  between  the 
champions  of  practical  and  ceremonial  righteousness, 
declares : 

A  wise  man  will  not  hate  the  law ; 

But  he  who  is  a  hypocrite  therein  is  as  a  ship  in  a  storm. 
A  man  of  understanding  will  put  his  trust  in  the  law ; 
And  the  law  is  faithful  unto  him,  as  when  one  asks  at  the 
oracle.^ 

Like  the  prophets  and  scribes  of  his  day,  he  holds  up 
the  hands  of  the  priests  : 

Fear  the  Lord  and  glorify  his  priest ; 

And  give  him  his  portion,  even  as  it  is  commanded  you ; 

The  first  fruits  of  the  trespass  offering  and  the  gift  of  the 

shoulders, 
And  the  sacrifice  of  sanctification,  and  the  first  fruits  of 

holy  things.^ 

In  his  advice,  he  reveals  the  fusion  of  wise  man  and 
scribe  : 

Let  your  converse  be  with  the  man  of  understanding ; 
And  let  all  your  discourse  be  in  the  law  of  the  Most  High.^ 

1  xxxiii.  2,  3.  2  y[[  3i_  3  \^  15^ 


316      THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

He  even  identifies  wisdom  with  the  law : 

All  wisdom  is  the  fear  of  the  Lord ; 

And  in  all  wisdom  is  the  doings  of  the  law.-^ 

In  keeping  with  the  tendency  of  his  age,  he  makes 
Moses  the  father  of  wisdom,  as  well  as  of  the  law  (xxiv.). 
The  ultimate  victory  of  the  scribe  is  foreshadowed, 
for  he  does  not  hesitate  to  state  that  wisdom  is  of  less 
value  than  compliance  with  the  law : 

Better  is  one  who  has  small  understanding  and  fears, 
Than  who  has  much  prudence  and  transgresses  the  law.^ 

Although  in  his  writings  the  two  fundamentally  different 
types  of  teaching  appear,  he  evidently  regarded  the 
identification  of  the  wise  man  with  the  scribe  as 
complete : 

The  wisdom  of  the  scribe  comes  by  opportunity  of  leisure  : 
And  he  who  has  little  business  shall  become  wise.^ 

In  the  following  verses  (xxxviii.  33 ;  xxxix.  1-11),  he 
presents  a  composite  picture  of  the  wise  man-scribe 
who  enjoys  the  seat  of  honor  in  the  public  assembly, 
who  speaks  in  parables,  who  meditates  on  the  law  of 
the  Most  High,  and  who  at  the  same  time  investigates 
the  wisdom  of  all  the  ancients : 

He  will  seek  out  the  hidden  meaning  of  proverbs, 

And  be  conversant  in  dark  sayings  of  parables. 

He  will  show  forth  the  instruction  which  he  has   been 

taught, 
And  will  glory  in  the  law  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord.* 

1  xix.  20.  3  xxxviii.  24. 

2  xix.  24.  *  xxxix.  3,  8. 


ETHICAL   STANDARDS   OF  THE   SON  OF   SIRACH    317 

Since  the  law  was  regarded  bj  later  Judaism  as  a 
complete  rule  for  human  conduct,  it  was  inevitable 
that  the  wise  man  should  become  a  scribe.  Scribism 
was  greatly  enriched  bj  the  fusion.  Scattered  through 
all  its  later  literature  are  fables,  proverbs,  and  epigram- 
matical  sayings,  the  characteristic  products,  not  of  the 
legal,  but  of  the  wisdom  school. 

296.  The  son  of  Sirach  voices  the  aspirations  of 
the  industrious  middle  class.  Like  his  auditors,  he 
looks  up  to  the  rich  and  the  rulers,  and  down  upon  the 
poorer  victims  of  the  rich  ;  and  withal  is  contented  with 
his  lot  (xxxi.).  His  morality  is  of  the  temperate  type. 
His  altruism  is  not  a  prominent  quality.  He,  however, 
emphasizes  the  necessity  of  being  faithful  at  any  cost 
to  the  demands  of  friendship.  Almsgiving  is  a  duty 
(iv.  1-6).  Deeds  of  mercy  toward  those  in  need  are 
enjoined  (xxix.).  Several  of  his  precepts  recall  those 
of  the  author  of  Ecclesiastes  : 

Defraud  not  yourself  of  a  good  day ; 

And  let  not  the  portion  of  a  good  desire  pass  you  by. 

Give,  and  take  and  beguile  your  soul ; 

Eor  there  is  no  seeking  of  luxury  in  the  grave. ^ 

His  love  for  banquets,  with  the  accompaniment  of 
wine  and  music,  is  strong  (xxxii.  3-5) ;  but  he  urges, 
on  very  utilitarian  grounds,  the  necessity  of  strict 
moderation,  both  in  eating  and  drinking  (xxxi.  19-30). 
On  the  whole,  he  was  a  quiet,  law-abiding  citizen,  a 
good  neighbor,  and  an  honorable  business  man.  The 
aspirations  of  the  nationalistic  party  did  not  appeal 
to  him  strongly.  With  the  chronicler,  he  revered  the 
law,  not  blindly,  however,  but  because  he  recognized 

1  xiv.  14,  16. 


318       THE  GTIEEK   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  reasonableness  of  its  demands.  His  faith  was  that 
of  orthodox  Judaism,  for  he  draws  the  articles  of  his 
creed  from  the  past  rather  than  the  present.  The 
doctrine  of  rewards  corresponding  to  conduct,  he  re- 
iterates (ii.  8 ;  xi.  17).  The  belief  in  Satan  and  per- 
sonal immortality  has  not  been  introduced  into  his 
confession.  Such  was  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach  :  a  man 
of  keen  perception,  of  considerable  learning,  of  broad 
culture,  of  strict  integrity,  and  of  a  genuine,  though 
narrow  religious  faith,  —  a  worthy  representative  of  the 
orthodox  wisdom-school. 

297.  It  was  impossible  that,  during  the  long,  dis- 
couraging period  of  testing,  all  the  disciples  of  Judaism 
should  retain  the  old  faith   intact.     Durins;  a  corre- 

CD 

sponding  season  of  depression  preceding  the  advent  of 
Nehemiah  and  Ezra,  scepticism  had  first  found  0{)en 
expression  (sect.  152).  The  repeated  calamities  which 
overtook  the  Jews  in  the  Greek  period  shook  their  faith 
in  many  of  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  their  religion. 
The  direct  and  indirect  influence  of  the  philosophical 
thought  of  their  Greek  mastei-s  intensified  the  same 
tendency.  It  was  also  natural  that  the  wise,  whose 
outlook  was  the  broadest,  should  be  the  most  suscep- 
tible to  this  influeuce.  The  Old  Testament  has  pre- 
served some  of  the  cries  of  doubt  that  escaped  at  this 
trying  time  from  Jewish  hearts.  In  the  late  appendix 
to  the  Book  of  Proverbs  are  found  the  "  Words  of 
Agur  the  son  of  Jakeh,"  in  which  he  sadly  confesses 
that  he  has  earnestly  but  unavailingly  sought  for  God. 
With  a  touch  of  irony,  he  complains  that  he  must  be 
more  obtuse  than  other  men  wlio  profess  to  be  so 
well  informed  about  the  heavenly  hierarchy.  While 
he  doubts  their  claims,  he  longs  to  be  able  to  question 


THE   SCEPTICAL   WISDOM   SCHOOL  319 

some  one  gifted  with  divine  omniscience  who  can 
answer  with  authority  all  his  inquiries  respecting  the 
real  character  of  God  (xxx.  1-4).  The  voice  is  that 
of  lionest  scepticism,  which  the  orthodox  wise  man 
who  added  the  verses  immediately  following  was  not 
able  to  satisfy  or  silence. 

298.  Under  the  implication  of  Solomonic  author- 
ship, or  at  least  by  taking  Solomon  as  its  liero,  a  book 
representing  the  heretical  wisdom-school  ultimately 
found  a  place  in  the  Old  Testament  canon.  Later 
writers  also  endeavored  to  make  him  a  teacher  of 
current  orthodoxy  ;  but  the  sceptical  tendency  of  the 
original  author  of  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes  is  unmis- 
takable. He  has  not  lost  all  faith,  for  he  still  believes 
that  there  is  a  God  in  the  universe  ;  but  he  questions 
almost  everything  else  that  the  earlier  Hebrews  had 
held  dear.  The  God  of  whom  he  conceives  is  omnip- 
otent, inscrutable,  far  removed  from  the  daily  life  of 
man,  and  one  who  rules  the  universe  according  to  an 
unchanging,  preordained  plan  (vi.  10 ;  vii.  14 ;  viii. 
17).  Like  the  Greek  philosophers  whose  influence 
his  writings  reveal,  he  forms  his  conception  of  the 
deity  from  a  study  of  human  life  and  of  natural  phe- 
nomena. If  his  age  had  not  been  utterly  selfish  and 
sordid,  his  conclusions  might  have  been  different.  As 
it  was,  he  found  little  evidence  of  divine  love,  and 
much  in  the  life  which  he  studied  in  Palestine  and 
Egypt  that  suggested  only  injustice.  The  time-honored 
dogma  of  proportionate  rewards  upon  this  earth,  he 
completely  rejected.  He  saw  the  righteous  man  dying 
in  his  righteousness,  and  an  evil  man  living  to  a  ripe 
old  age,  apparently  enjoying  heaven's  highest  favor 
(vii.  15  ;  viii.  10).     The  new  doctrine  of  rewards  after 


320      THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

death  also  brought  no  relief  to  his  perplexity,  for,  like 
the  son  of  Sirach,  he  did  not  accept  it.  ^'  Man  has  no 
pre-eminence  over  the  beasts.  Who  knows  whether  the 
spirit  of  the  sons  of  men  goes  upward  and  whether  the 
spirit  of  the  beast  goes  downward"  (iii.  20,  21), 
Even  the  law  and  the  temple  service  gave  him  no  joy- 
He  urged  conformity  to  the  demands  of  the  Law,  lest 
God  should  be  angry  and  avenge  the  neglect  (v.  4,  6). 
No  Messianic  hope  inspired  and  comforted  him. 
"  Vanity,  all  is  vanity  "  voiced  his  conclusions  respect- 
ing human  existence.  With  such  a  cold,  barren  faith, 
it  is  not  strange  that  he  had  no  higher  advice  to  offer 
than  to  fear  God  and  live  a  temperate  life,  enjoying 
the  few  fleeting  pleasures  which  it  afforded  (iii.  12, 
13  ;  ix.  7-9).  The  possibility  of  obtaining  true  happi- 
ness by  losing  one's  life  in  service  for  others  had  never 
occurred  to  him.  When  we  consider,  however,  the 
atmosphere  in  which  he  lived,  our  attitude  toward  him, 
and  the  heretical  wisdom-school  which  he  represented, 
is  that  of  pity  rather  than  of  condemnation.  It  is  also 
easy  to  see  through  his  eyes  how  little  there  was  to 
hold,  not  only  the  more  worldly  Jews,  but  also  the 
keener  minds  who  recognized  the  futility  of  mere  cere- 
monialism from  absolute  scepticism,  or,  worse  still, 
from  shameless  hypocrisy. 

299.  During  the  comparatively  quiet  rule  of  the 
Ptolemies,  Greek  ideas,  customs,  and  morality  had 
been  making  peaceful  conquests  in  Palestine.  Their 
own  inherent  attractiveness,  and  the  fact  that  they 
were  supported  by  the  authority  of  the  dominant  race, 
cast  a  glamour  about  them  which  made  the  severe 
religion  of  Jehovah,  the  simple  customs  and  the 
strict  morality  of  the  Jews,  seem  barren  and  provincial. 


HELLENISTIC  TENDENCIES   IN  JUDAISM  321 

All  the  other  peoples  of  Palestine,  including  the 
Samaritans,  had  set  the  example  by  imitating  their 
conquerors.  Hellenistic  Greek  was  the  language  of 
commerce  and  polite  society.  Greek  literature  was 
widely  studied.  Greek  manners  were  the  standard 
throughout  southeastern  Palestine.  The  conservative 
son  of  Sirach  speaks  in  high  terms  of  a  "  concert  of 
music  at  a  banquet  of  wine"  (xxxii.  5,  6),  which  reveals 
to  what  an  extent  Greek  customs  had  been  adopted 
in  Jerusalem  itself.  He  also  alludes  to  the  graver  of 
signets  who  "  sets  his  heart  to  preserve  likeness  in 
portraiture  "  (xxxviii.  27),  showing  that  Greek  art  was 
intrenched  under  the  very  shadow  of  the  temple,  for 
from  the  context  it  is  clear  that  the  artisans  to  whom 
he  refers,  were  not  foreigners  but  Jews. 

300.  The  danger  that  the  Jews  would  be  completely 
Hellenized  was  the  greater  because  only  by  adopting 
Greek  habits  and  ideas  could  one  hope  to  secure  great 
wealth  or  political  preferment.  The  story  of  Joseph 
the  tax-collector  furnishes  a  good  illustration  of  this 
fact.  His  rapid  rise  in  royal  favor  would  have  been 
impossible  had  he  not  abandoned  the  traditions  of  his 
race,  and  surpassed  the  courtiers  of  Alexandria  in 
intrigues.  Later,  whenever  at  the  court,  he  was  a 
favorite  guest  at  the  drunken  orgies  of  the  reigning 
Ptolemy,  and  was  deterred  by  no  scruples  from  partici- 
pating in  the  shameless  debauches.  At  one  of  these 
he  is  said  to  have  contracted  a  violent  passion  for  a 
certain  dancing  girl  (Jos.  Ant.  xii.  4,  6).  Jewish 
tradition  also  reports  that  he  introduced  at  Jerusalem 
a  modified  form  of  the  feast  in  honor  of  the  Greek 
god  of  wine,  Dionysus.  The  warnings  of  the  son  of 
Sirach  against  the  seductions   of   public  singers  and 

21 


322       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

harlots  indicate  that  the  corrupting  influence  of  Greek 
life  had  in  his  day  penetrated  the  sacred  city  (ix.  2-9). 
He  also  exhorts  his  disciples  to  prepare  their  souls  for 
temptation,  and  denounces  those  who  are  of  fearful 
hearts  and  who  arc  trying  "to  go  two  ways"  (ii.  1, 
12).  At  the  end  of  the  Greek  period,  the  number 
who  were  trying  "  to  go  two  ways "  was  great.  It 
included  many  who  clung  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers, 
but  who  were  eager  to  embrace  Greek  ideas  and 
customs.  Many  of  the  members  of  the  high  priestly 
family  were  found  in  the  ranks  of  this  Hellenizing 
party.  It  also  naturally  included  the  growing  body 
of  apostates  who  were  ready  to  abandon  their  religion 
entirely,  and  eager  to  conceal  their  Jewish  antecedents 
in  order  that  they  might  plunge  into  the  dissipations 
of  Greek  life.  The  wealthy  and  influential  descend- 
ants of  Joseph  (the  Tobiadas)  became  the  leaders  of 
this  powerful  party,  which  soon  became  strong  enough 
to  contest  for  the  rule  of  the  community  (Jos.  Ant. 
xii.  5, 1).  They  appear  to  have  carried  on  an  active 
propaganda,  urging  that  the  best  interests  of  the  com- 
munity demanded  the  tearing  down  of  the  wall  of  sepa- 
ration between  them  and  the  nations  (I.  Mac.  i.  11). 
They  might  in  time  have  been  successful,  if  at  this 
crisis  a  great  danger  from  without  had  not  united  in 
its  defence  all  true  lovers  of  the  law,  irrespective  of 
their  peculiar  interests  or  affiliations.  Out  of  the  din 
and  conflict  of  the  next  few  decades  rose  two  or  three 
great  parties  which  embodied  in  permanent  form  the 
different  currents  of  thought  which  found  expression 
in  the  Greek  period. 


THE  SUPEEME  CRISIS   OP  JUDAISM 

301.  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  who  in  175  b.  c.  usurped 
the  throne  of  Syria,  figures  in  the  perspective  of  his- 
tory as  the  unintentional  savior  of  Judaism,  for  he 
delivered  it  by  his  attacks  from  the  "  foes  of  its  own 
household,"  and  awakened  it  to  new  life  and  activity. 
In  the  eyes  of  his  Jewish  subjects,  he  was  a  fierce, 
merciless  persecutor,  delighting  only  in  deeds  of 
treachery  and  bloodshed  (Dan.  viii.  23 ;  xi.  21).  Ac- 
cording to  the  Greek  historians,  he  was  a  restless, 
energetic,  arrogant,  ill-balanced  man,  driven  by  ambi- 
tion and  caprice  to  undertake  tasks  beyond  his  power 
to  accomplish.  He  took  a  childish  delight  in  show  and 
pomp.  Moderation  was  unknown  to  him.  So  strange 
was  his  action  at  times,  that  by  many  he  was  regarded 
as  insane.  He  was  an  ardent  champion  of  everything 
Greek.  Under  his  rule  Antioch  was  greatly  beautified, 
and  made  a  centre  of  Hellenic  learning.  Public  build- 
ings reared  by  him  in  Athens  and  many  other  Greek 
cities  testified  to  his  love  of  personal  display  and  of 
art.  The  desire  to  extend  the  influence  of  Greece 
throughout  all  his  kingdom  was  natural ;  and  his  fury, 
when  confronted  by  opposition,  was  what  might  be 
expected  from  a  passionate,  undisciplined  ruler,  reared, 
as  he  was  at  Rome,  side  by  side  with  the  dissolute 


324      THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH   HISTORY 

sons  of  the  nobles  Avho  dominated  the  world.  Sur- 
rounded by  flatterers  and  intriguers,  and  not  gifted 
with  the  power  of  understanding  the  peoples  under  him, 
he  was  destined  to  commit  a  series  of  fatal  blunders. 

302.  The  treachery  of  certain  of  the  Jews  precipi- 
tated the  calamities  which  overtook  their  race.  At 
the  accession  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  high  priest 
Onias  III.  was  in  Antioch  to  answer  the  charge  made 
by  the  perfidious  Simon  of  having  saved  the  temple 
treasure  by  deceiving  Heliodorus,  the  royal  messenger 
(sect.  280).  At  the  instigation  of  the  Hellenistic  party 
at  Jerusalem,  which  was  led  by  the  family  of  Joseph 
the  tax-collector,  the  faithful  Onias  was  deposed,  and 
his  brother  Jason,  who  promised  to  pay  into  the  Syrian 
treasury  a  much  larger  tribute  than  he  in  return  for  the 
high  priesthood,  and  the  privilege  of  farming  the  taxes 
of  Judea,  was  appointed  by  Antiochus,  in  his  place  (II. 
Mac.  iv.  3-8).  By  these  means  the  Hellenistic  faction 
gained  control  of  the  temple,  for  Jason  was  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  most  radical  innovators.  Counting 
upon  the  support  of  Antiochus,  and  to  win  his  favor, 
they  built  a  gymnasium  in  Jerusalem  and  introduced 
Greek  games.  Young  Jews  flocked  to  the  places  of 
public  amusement;  even  the  priests,  following  the  ex- 
ample of  their  official  head,  neglected  their  duties  in 
the  temple  for  the  games  of  the  palsestra  (II.  Mac.  iv. 
9-15).  A  passion  for  Greek  costumes,  Greek  customs, 
and  Greek  names  seized  the  people.  Large  numbers 
were  enrolled  as  citizens  of  Antioch.  Many  even 
endeavored  to  conceal  the  fact  that  they  had  been 
circumcised.  To  the  horror  of  the  faithful,  Hellenism 
seemed  to  be  carrying  all  before  it.  Jehovah  and  his 
commands  were  being  com|)letely  forgotten,  and  the 


INTRIGUES   OF  THE  JEWISH  HIGH  PRIESTS       325 

end  of  Judaism  appeared  to  be  at  hand.  To  demon- 
strate that  he  had  left  all  the  traditions  of  his  race 
behind,  Jason  sent  a  rich  present  for  sacrifices  in  con- 
nection with  the  great  festival  at  Tyre  in  honor  of  the 
god  Hercules.  The  messengers,  not  being  so  far 
paganized  as  their  master,  paid  over  the  money  to  the 
fund  for  the  royal  navy  (II.  Mac.  iv.  18-20). 

303.  In  171  B.  c,  Jason  was  succeeded  by  a  still 
more  unprincipled  renegade.  A  certain  Menelaus  was 
sent  by  the  high  priest  to  Antioch  to  represent  him  in 
the  court.  Menelaus  improved  the  opportunity  to  bid 
a  larger  sum  for  the  high  priesthood,  and  accordingly 
was  appointed  by  Antiochus.  The  family  of  Joseph 
supported  the  new  appointee,  who  came  from  their 
ranks ;  but  the  majority  of  the  Jews  preferred  Jason. 
At  last,  with  the  aid  of  Syrian  soldiers,  Menelaus  drove 
his  rival  into  exile,  and  then  began  to  plunder  the 
temple  treasure  in  order  to  redeem  his  promise  of 
tribute  to  Antiochus.  The  aged  ex-pricst,  Onias  III., 
who  dared  to  condemn  this  impiety,  was  treacherously 
assassinated  in  his  place  of  refuge  near  Antioch  by  an 
agent  of  Menelaus  (II.  Mac.  iv.  23-38).  In  Jerusalem, 
the  Jews,  goaded  to  madness  by  his  repeated  robberies 
of  the  temple,  arose  and  killed  Lysimachus,  the  repre- 
sentative of  Menelaus.  They  then  despatched  a  depu- 
tation to  prefer  charges  before  Antiochus  at  Tyre 
against  their  shameless  high  priest.  Again  bribes 
saved  Menelaus,  and  brought  upon  the  suitors  for  jus- 
tice the  death-penalty  (II.  Mac.  iv.  43-50).  Fortu- 
nately for  Judaism,  by  such  acts  as  these  the  popular 
passion  for  Hellenism  was  being  rapidly  cooled,  and  in 
its  stead  there  grew  up  an  intense  hatred  for  Antiochus 
and  his  tool,  Menelaus. 


326       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

304.  In  170  B.  c,  the  Syrian  king  invaded  Egj^pt  and 
vanquished  the  army  of  the  reigning  Ptolemy  (Dan.  xi. 
25).  While  there,  the  report  came  that  Antiochus  was 
dead.  The  former  high  priest  Jason  improved  the 
opportunity,  with  a  small  army  of  one  thousand  men, 
to  seize  Jerusalem,  and  to  shut  up  his  rival  Menelaus 
in  the  citadel.  Instead,  however,  of  winning  the  favor 
of  the  Jews  by  acts  of  clemency,  to  satisfy  his  inhuman 
thirst  for  revenge,  he  put  many  of  them  to  death. 
Finding  no  real  support  within  the  city,  and  learning 
that  Antiochus  was  returning  from  Egypt,  Jason  again 
fled,  and  after  long  wanderings  died  miserably  (II. 
Mac.  V.  1-10).  This  unfortunate  insurrection  gave 
Antiochus  an  excuse  for  venting  his  anger  upon  the 
Jews.  Marching  directly  to  Jerusalem,  he  turned  the 
city  over  to  his  bloody  soldiery  with  commands  to  slay 
and  spoil.  No  attempt  appears  to  have  been  made  to 
distinguish  between  the  innocent  and  guilty.  No 
mercy  was  shown  to  women  and  children.  Many 
were  slain  in  the  streets  and  in  their  homes.  Many 
more  were  dragged  off  to  supply  the  already  crowded 
slave  markets  of  the  Mediterranean  cities  (II.  Mac. 
V.  11-15).  Upon  the  unresisting  people  was  heaped 
still  greater  ignominy.  Led  by  the  vile  Menelaus, 
Antiochus  entered  the  holy  temple  and  plundered  its 
treasury,  bearing  away  (according  to  II.  Mac.  v.  21) 
eighteen  hundred  talents  of  silver.  The  temple  was 
also  stripped  of  its  golden  altar  and  candlestick,  of  its 
sacred  vessels  and  ornamentation.  Jerusalem  was  left 
in  sackcloth  and  ashes  (Dan.  xi.  28  ;  I.  Mac.  i.  20-28). 

305.  Henceforth  the  relations  between  Antiochus 
and  his  Jewish  subjects  partook  of  the  nature  of  a 
personal  feud.     Their  internal  dissensions,  their  v,^eak- 


THE   ATTEMPT  TO   HELLENIZE   THE   JEWS        327 

ness,  and  their  complete  isolation  from  the  rest  of  the 
world  alone  restrained  the  Jews  from  open  rebellion. 
Antiochus,  well  aware  of  their  secret  hatred,  regarded 
their  refusal  to  abandon  their  religion  and  to  become 
completely  Hellenized,  like  the  rest  of  his  subjects,  as 
an  act  of  rebellion.  The  existence  of  a  large  Greek 
party  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  misleading  testimony  of 
Menelaus,  who  recognized  that  his  only  hope  of  main- 
taining his  position  lay  in  the  destruction  of  the  loyal 
Jewish  party,  encouraged  Antiochus  to  believe  that  he 
might  yet  succeed  in  exterminating  the  Jehovah  cult. 
His  constant  need  of  money  also  led  him  to  improve 
every  opportunity  to  rob  his  subjects.  Accordingly, 
when,  in  198  B.  c,  he  returned  from  his  second  Egyptian 
campaign,  completely  baffled  by  the  intervention  of  the 
Romans,  he  visited  his  discontent  upon  the  Jews  (Dan. 
xi.  29,  30).  In  his  attempt  to  Hellenize  them,  he  had 
the  sympathy  of  the  heathen  world.  Tacitus  states 
that  "  Antiochus  endeavored  to  root  out  the  Jewish 
superstition,  but  was  hindered  by  a  Parthian  war  from 
reforming  this  vilest  of  people  "  (Hist.  v.  8).  Antiochus 
was  also  encouraged  and  advised  by  the  malicious 
suggestions  ''of  those  who  had  forsaken  the  holy 
covenant."  A  Syrian  garrison,  composed  in  part  of 
renegade  Jews,  under  a  barbarous  Phrygian  by  the 
name  of  Philip,  was  already  established  at  Jerusalem 
(II.  Mac.  V.  22).  Antiochus  also  sent  ApoUonius 
with  a  large  army  to  put  an  end  to  the  worship  of 
Jehovali  by  exterminating  all  who  remained  faithful  to 
it,  and  by  recolonizing  Judea  with  Hellenized  subjects. 
Professing  peace,  Apollonius  fell  upon  the  unresist- 
ing inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  and  slaughtered  them 
without  pity    (I.   Mac.   29,   30 ;  II.  Mac.  v.  24-26). 


328       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OE  JEWISH   HISTORY 

When  the  men  who  had  escaped  by  flight  had  been 
slain,  the  women  and  children  were  led  away  as  slaves, 
and  the  wealth  of  the  city  confiscated.  While  the 
houses  and  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  torn  down,  the 
citadel  of  Acra,  which  overlooked  the  temple,  was 
strongly  fortified  and  garrisoned  with  Syrians  and 
apostate  Jews.  It  was  also  well  supplied  with  arms 
and  provisions  so  as  to  endure  a  long  seige.  Hence- 
forth, until  it  was  captured  by  the  Jews  in  141  b.  c,  it 
was  the  stronghold  of  Hellenism,  and  a  constant  men- 
ace to  the  worship  of  Jehovah  (I.  Mac.  i.  31-36). 

306.  The  commands  of  Antiochus  were  executed 
with  a  grim  thoroughness  and  system.  Having  gained 
control  of  the  centre  of  Judaism,  the  temple  was  dis- 
mantled and  desecrated  (Dan.  xi.  31).  With  the 
blood  of  Jewish  victims  was  mingled  that  of  unclean 
animals  sacrificed  in  despite  of  the  Jewish  law.  On 
the  site  of  the  great  altar  of  Jehovah  was  set  up,  in 
December,  168  B.  c,"  the  abomination  of  desolation,"  — 
an  altar  to  Olympian  Zeus.  Ten  days  later,  sacrifices 
were  instituted  upon  it  in  which  all  the  remaining 
inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  were  obliged  to  participate. 
Within  the  sacred  precincts  were  soon  practised  all 
the  immoral  customs  so  often  associated  in  that  degen- 
erate age  with  a  heathen  shrine  (I.  Mac.  i.  37,  54,  59 ; 
II.  Mac.  vi.  2-5).  Even  Jehovah's  sanctuary  on  Mount 
Gerizim  was  transformed  into  a  temple  of  Zeus  (I.  Mac. 
i.  46  ;  II.  Mac.  vi.  2).  All  sacrifice  to  Jehovah  of 
course  ceased.  By  royal  decree,  the  observation  of  the 
Sabbath  or  of  the  sacred  feasts,  and  practising  the  rite 
of  circumcision,  were  absolutely  forbidden  under  penalty 
of  death.  All  copies  of  the  law  were  destroyed. 
Heathen  altars  and  temples  were  erected  throughout 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  PERSECUTIONS  OF    ANTIOCHUS     329 

Judea,  and  every  Jew  was  compelled  in  public  to  sacri- 
fice to  idols,  swine's  flesh  or  that  of  some  other  unclean 
beast,  and  to  present  conclusive  evidence  that  he  had 
ceased  to  observe  the  laws  of  his  fathers  (I.  Mac.  i.  47- 
49).  On  the  occasion  of  the  feast  of  Dionysus,  every 
one  was  obliged  to  participate,  marching  in  procession 
crowned  with  wreaths  of  ivy  (11.  Mac.  vi.  7). 

807.  At  first  the  policy  of  Antiochus  seemed  to  have 
succeeded.  By  fire  and  the  sword,  he  converted  Jeru- 
salem into  a  heathen  city.  To  his  standard  resorted 
hundreds  of  Jews  who  were  bound  to  him  body  and 
soul,  for  having  once  proved  traitors  to  their  religion 
and  race,  they  could  never  hope  to  be  received  again 
within  the  ranks  of  the  faithful.  Henceforth,  they 
devoted  themselves  to  betraying  those  who  defied  the 
decrees  of  the  king.  Many  more,  terrified  by  the  pros- 
pect of  torture  and  death,  bowed  before  their  perse- 
cutors. Thousands  fled  to  Egypt  and  the  surrounding 
countries,  or  else  sought  refuge  in  the  many  caves  and 
deserted  regions  in  and  about  Judah  (11.  Mac.  v.  27),  pre- 
ferring to  endure  the  most  awful  privations  rather  than 
give  up  their  religion.  Instead  of  crushing  Judaism, 
Antiochus  soon  discovered  that  his  persecutions,  like 
an  electric  shock,  had  awakened  a  slumbering  giant. 
Hellenism  had  conquered  all  else,  but  now  it  was  con- 
fronted by  an  insignificant  people  whose  spirit  no  human 
power  could  break.  Furious  because  of  this  unex- 
pected opposition,  Antiochus  redoubled  his  persecutions. 
Rather  than  admit  his  defeat,  he  was  ready  to  make 
Judea  one  vast  cemetery.  The  example  of  the  martyrs 
for  the  law  encouraged  others  to  follow  in  their  foot- 
steps ;  while  the  taste  of  their  blood  transformed  their 
persecutors  into  beasts.     It  was  a  brutal,  heartless  age, 


330    THE  PERSIAN  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

and  many  if  not  all  of  the  traditions  preserved  in  I. 
and  11.  Maccabees  may  be  regarded  as  true  (compare 
Dan.  xi.  33-35).  Women  who  had  circumcised  their 
children  were  led  about  the  city  with  their  babies 
hanging  to  their  breasts,  and  were  then  cast  headlong 
from  the  wall  (I.  Mac.  i.  60,  61 ;  II.  Mac.  vi.  10). 
Others,  betrayed  while  observing  the  Sabbath  in  their 
places  of  refuge,  were  burned  to  death.  Men,  like  the 
aged  scribe  Eleazer,  calmly  met  a  martyr's  death  by 
scourging,  rather  than  save  themselves  by  seeming  to 
be  unfaithful  to  the  commands  of  the  ceremonial  law 
(II.  Mac.  vi.  11-31).  Women,  whom  the  ancient  Orient 
ordinarily  treated  contemptuously,  were  given  high 
places  in  the  list  of  immortals.  A  long  story  is  told  of  a 
mother  who,  forced  to  witness  in  succession  the  death  by 
the  most  horrible  tortures  of  her  seven  sons,  exhorted 
them  to  the  last  not  to  apostatize,  and  then  unflinch- 
ingly went  to  her  own  death.  The  heroes  of  the  faith 
realized  in  part  the  ideal  of  service  presented  by  the 
great  prophet  of  the  exile,  for  by  their  voluntary  self- 
sacrifice  they  inspired  the  survivors  to  remain  true  to 
the  law.  The  fact  that  some  of  them,  like  the  con- 
temporary son  of  Sirach,  had  no  fixed  faith  in  a  personal 
immortality  awaiting  them,  only  magnifies  the  great- 
ness of  their  devotion. 


VI 

THE   GEEAT   VICTORY   OF  JUDAISM 

308.  At  every  crisis  in  the  history  of  Israel,  a 
prophet  arose  to  interpret  its  meaning,  to  encourage 
the  people,  and  to  point  out  the  way  of  duty  ;  but  now 
for  a  century  or  more  the  idea  had  been  current  that 
the  voice  of  the  prophets  liad  ceased  (Ps.  Ixxiv.  9 ; 
Zech.  xiii.  3-5).  The  extreme  needs  of  the  hour 
influenced  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  to  break 
the  long  silence.  He  did  not,  however,  have  the  courage 
to  speak  in  his  own  name.  Although  his  message  was 
clad  in  strange  and  mysterious  form  (sect.  261),  it 
brought  to  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-sufferers,  who  were 
familiar  with  the  apocalyptic  type  of  thought,  the 
much  needed  comfort  and  inspiration.  The  book  con- 
tains two  distinct  elements  :  personal  narratives  respect- 
ing the  prophet  Daniel,  and  predictions  placed  in  his 
mouth ;  but  the  same  practical,  immediate  application 
is  apparent  in  each.  To  men  confronted  by  the  choice 
between  a  horrible  death,  or  apostasy  to  the  law,  the 
hortatoiy  significance  of  such  thrilling  stories  as  that  of 
Daniel  and  his  comrades,  who  defied  powerful  heathen 
monarchs  in  order  not  to  defile  themselves  by  eating 
food  ceremonially  unclean  (i.),  or  to  worship  idols  (iii.), 
or  to  omit  the  daily  prayer  (vi.),  is  obvious.  Their 
miraculous  deliverance  bv  Jehovah,  as  well   as  their 


332      THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

steadfastness,  enforced  the  truths  which  the  prophet 
wished  to  teach.  The  fate  which  overtook  the  arro- 
gant persecutors  of  the  faithful  in  the  past  (v.  20-31) 
was  doubtless  intended  to  assure  the  afflicted  that 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  would  ultimately  meet  his  just 
deserts  at  the  hand  of  Jehovah. 

309.  The  predictions  vary  greatly  in  form,  but  their 
messages  are  the  same.  Each  presents  a  sublime  phi- 
losophy of  history.  They  teach  that  every  experience 
of  mankind,  the  rise  and  fall  of  nations,  and  the  mis- 
fortunes which  had  befallen  the  Jewish  race,  were  no 
mere  accidents,  but  all  in  accord  with  Jehovah's 
eternal  and  unchanging  purpose,  which  was  thus  re- 
vealed to  man.  Now  that  the  dominance  of  the  powers 
of  evil  had  reached  their  height,  the  prophet  felt  that 
the  time  when  Jehovah  would  interfere  and  vindicate 
his  promises,  by  the  destruction  of  his  enemies  and  by 
the  exaltation  of  his  faithful  people,  was  near  at  hand. 
The  burning  question  was,  How  long  before  deliver- 
ance will  come  ?  Jeremiah's  prophecy  that  the  Jews 
would  be  restored  within  seventy  years  furnishes  the 
author  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  his  definite  data  (Dan.  ix. 
2).  Since  seventy  actual  years  had  not  brought  its 
fulfilment,  he  reasons  that  seventy  weeks  of  years 
(490)  must  have  been  intended  (ix.  24).  According 
to  this  reckoning,  the  deposition,  or  else  the  murder  of 
tlie  last  lawful  high  priest  Onias  III.,  "  the  anointed 
one "  (sects.  300,  801),  marks  the  end  of  the  sixty- 
ninth  (7+62+1)  and  the  beginning  of  the  seventieth  or 
last  week  of  years  (ix.  26).  The  abolition  of  the 
daily  sacrifice  came  at  the  middle  of  this  last  week  of 
years,  so  that  three  years  and  a  half  were  to  elapse 
before  the  "  end  of  the  breaking  in  pieces  of  the  power 


THE  MESSAGES  OF  THE   BOOK  OF  DANIEL       333 

of  the  holy  people"  (xii.  7,  11;  yii.  25).  With  less 
chronological  detail,  he  reiterates  in  a  series  of  visions 
the  inspiring  message  that  the  great  heathen  powers 
—  the  Babylonian,  Median,  Persian,  and,  last  of  all, 
the  Greek  —  have  had  their  day,  and  will  speedily  be 
succeeded  by  the  universal  and  everlasting  kingdom 
of  the  saints  of  the  Most  High  (ii. ;  vii.).  Then, 
"  many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth 
shall  awake ;  some  to  everlasting  life,  and  some  to 
everlasting  shame  and  contempt.  And  the  teachers 
shall  shine  as  the  brightness  of  the  firmament,  and 
they  that  have  led  many  to  righteousness  as  the  stars 
forever  and  ever  "  (xii.  2,  8). 

310.  It  requires  little  imagination  to  understand 
how  great  was  the  influence  of  these  prophecies  dur- 
ing the  supreme  crisis  of  Judaism.  The  fact  that  the 
different  sections  repeat  the  same  general  teachings, 
and  that  each  constitutes  a  complete  unit,  independent 
of  the  others,  suggests  that  they  may  have  been  issued 
at  different  times  and  finally  combined.  In  the  form 
of  tracts,  they  probably  circulated  secretly  among  the 
hunted  fugitives.  From  the  first,  they  appear  to  have 
been  eagerly  accepted  by  the  people  as  authoritative 
(compare  I.  Mac.  ii.  59,  60).  Therein  they  found 
plainly  and  unhesitatingly  stated  what  they  hoped, 
but  hardly  dared  believe.  Although  immediately  suc- 
ceeding years  did  not  bring  the  complete  fulfilment 
of  its  detailed  predictions,  the  essential  teachings  of 
the  marvellous  book  —  the  proclamation  that  God  is 
working  in  and  through  all  history,  that  the  right  will 
ultimately  triumph  and  faithful  service  be  rewarded  — 
became  foundation  stones  in  the  faith  of  later  Judaism 
and  Christianity. 


334      THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

311.  The  realm  of  religious  ideas  in  which  the 
author  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  lived,  and  the  hopes 
which  comforted  the  hearts  of  the  martyrs,  are  also 
clearly  presented  in  chapters  i.  to  xxxvi.  and  Ixxxiii. 
to  xc.  of  the  Book  of  Enoch.  The  history  of  the  world 
from  tlie  creation  to  the  Maccabean  uprising  is  traced 
in  the  foi*m  of  a  vision  put  in  the  mouth  of  Enoch,  and 
clad  in  the  same  mysterious  symbolism  as  is  found  in 
the  Book  of  Daniel  (Ixxxix. ;  xc).  Here  again  the 
period  of  the  uprising  receives  the  chief  attention. 
After  the  final  victory  of  Judas  Maccaboeus,  Jehovah 
himself  is  to  appear  to  condemn  the  wicked  to  punish- 
ment in  Gehenna,  and  to  establish  the  new  Jerusalem 
(xc.  20-29).  Then  the  scattered  Jews  and  the  righteous 
dead  are  to  be  gathered  to  share  in  the  kingdom  of 
God  (xc.  31-36).  If  not  a  belief  in  personal  immor- 
tality, at  least  the  hope  in  a  bodily  resurrection,  and 
in  the  speedy  establishment  on  earth  of  Jehovah's 
kingdom  (compare  Enoch  xxii. ;  xxv.),  was  a  posses- 
sion of  many  of  the  noble  martyrs  who  dehed  the  rage 
of  Antiochus  (II.  Mac.  vii.  9, 11,  14,  23,  29,  36). 

312.  The  merciless  policy  of  Antiochus  left  no  way 
of  escape  for  the  faithful  but  by  taking  up  the  sword. 
Their  delay  in  so  doing  is  only  explained  by  their 
habit  of  submission,  which  had  been  forming  for 
centuries,  and  by  the  apparently  absolute  hopelessness 
of  successfully  defying,  with  a  disorganized  handful 
of  men,  the  still  powerful  Syrian  empire.  At  last, 
however,  in  the  language  of  the  Book  of  Enoch,  "  horns 
grew  upon  the  lambs,"  and  they  turned  against  the 
birds  of  prey  that  attacked  them  (xc.  9-19).  The 
little  town  of  Modein,  among  the  limestone  hills  on 
the  western  edge  of  the  central  plateau  of  Palestine, 


THE  REVOLT  LED  BY  MATTATHIAS      335 

near  the  narrow  valley  which  leads  from  Bethhoron  on 
the  heights  to  Lydda  on  the  plain  of  Sharon  below, 
furnished  the  leader  of  the  inevitable  revolt.  Here 
dwelt  in  seclusion  an  aged  priest  of  the  order  of 
Joarib,  by  name  Mattathias.  He  and  his  five  stalwart 
sons  felt  most  keenly  the  wrongs  and  indignities  which 
had  been  heaped  upon  their  race  and  religion.  When 
the  Syrian  officials  visited  the  town  of  Modein,  and 
endeavored  by  promises  of  royal  favor  to  influence  him 
to  set  the  example  by  publicly  presenting  a  heathen 
sacrifice,  the  stern  old  priest  bade  defiance  to  the  king's 
command,  and  declared  that  even  if  they  alone  of  all 
their  race  remained  faithful,  he  and  his  family  would 
never  forsake  "the  law  and  the  ordinances"  (I.  Mac. 
ii.  1-22).  The  sight  of  an  apostate  Jew  advancing  to 
sacrifice  on  the  heathen  altar  aroused  his  hot  indigna- 
tion. Fired  with  zeal  for  the  law,  he  slew  both  the 
traitor  and  the  royal  officer,  and  then  pulled  down 
the  hated  altar,  calling  upon  all  who  were  loyal  to 
the  covenant  to  follow  him.  With  his  sons,  he  fled 
into  the  mountains.  Profiting  by  the  awful  experience 
of  a  large  body  of  fugitives  who,  because  they  refused 
to  defend  themselves  on  the  Sabbath,  had  been  remorse- 
lessly massacred  by  the  Syrians,  Mattathias  and  his 
followers  determined  to  fight  whenever  attacked  (I. 
Mac.  ii.  23-41). 

313.  His  energy  and  wisdom  at  once  attracted  to 
his  standard  the  pious  (Chasids  or  Hasideans),  "  the 
mighty  men  of  Israel,  every  one  who  offered  himself 
willingly  for  the  law"  (I.  Mac.  ii.  42).  The  party  of 
the  pious,  which  figure  in  later  history  as  the  Pharisees, 
came  into  existence  during  the  years  of  Syrian  perse- 
cution, and  represented  an  intensely  conservative  re- 


336       THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

action  against  the  prevalent  Hellenizing  influence 
which  was  upheld  by  the  secular  party,  known  in  later 
time  as  the  Sadducean.  The  aim  of  the  pious  was  to 
preserve  unchanged  the  law  and  traditions  of  their 
race.  In  this  respect  they  were  the  successors  of  the 
earlier  Puritans  (sect.  293).  In  contrast  to  their  op- 
ponents, they  also  cherished  in  modified  form  the 
Messianic  hopes  of  their  race.  To  these  they  added 
the  new  belief  in  the  resurrection.  Thus,  wliile  they 
were  the  conservatives  and  the  zealots,  they  were  also 
in  faith  the  progressives  within  Judaism.  The  scribes 
were  the  natural  leaders  of  the  party  of  the  pious  ;  but 
the  persecutions  of  Antiochus  forced  into  its  ranks  all 
who  were  zealous  for  the  law  :  priests,  Levites,  and 
laymen.  It  appears  to  have  been  organized  before 
Mattathias  headed  the  revolt  (I.  Mac.  ii.  42;  iii.  13; 
vii.  13).  In  all  probability,  he  belonged  to  the  new 
party,  for  he  and  his  sons  were  at  first  in  perfect  sym- 
pathy with  its  aims,  and  in  Mattathias  and  Judas  the 
pious  found  ideal  leaders. 

314.  Their  heroic  struggle  for  religious  liberty  is  a 
familiar  chapter  of  human  history.  At  first  only  out- 
laws hunted  from  place  to  place,  Mattathias  and  his 
followers  devoted  themselves  to  putting  to  death  all 
apostates  whom  they  captured,  to  tearing  down 
heathen  altars,  and  to  instituting  by  force  the  rite  of 
circumcision,  whenever  it  liad  been  neglected.  In 
time,  as  they  increased  in  numbers  and  experience, 
they  were  able  to  strike  open  blows  against  the  persecu- 
tors of  their  race  (II.  Mac.  viii.  1-7).  The  effect  upon 
the  wavering  Jews  was  most  salutary,  for  with  many 
hope  took  the  place  of  despair  ;  while  others  remained 
loyal  to  the  law,  because  of  fear  of  the  swords  in  Jew- 


THE   VICTORIES   OF  JUDAS  337 

ish  hands  (I.  Mac.  ii.  44-48).  Within  a  few  months, 
the  aged  Mattathias  died  (in  167  b.  c.)  ;  but  he  was 
succeeded  bj  his  son  Judas,  who  was  called  Maccaba3us, 
*^*  the  Hammerer,"  and  from  whom  came  the  name  by 
which  his  family  are  popularly  designated.  He  inher- 
ited the  courage  and  the  devotion  to  the  law  which  had 
animated  his  father,  and  in  addition  was  possessed  of 
an  indomitable  energy,  a  rare  ability  to  command,  and 
skill  as  a  strategist  which  has  secured  for  him  a  first 
place  among  the  generals  of  the  past. 

815.  The  difficulties  which  confronted  him  were 
seemingly  overwhelming,  but  he  soon  had  a  fearless 
little  army  at  his  command  ;  while  his  foes  were  only 
paid  mercenaries,  well  equipped  with  arms,  but  not  with 
courage  nor  with  determination.  The  physical  contour 
of  Judea  was  also  favorable  to  the  Jewish  cause. 
While  the  Syrian  general  Apollonius  was  leading  his 
force  from  Samaria  to  put  down  the  rebellion,  he  was 
suddenly  attacked  by  Judas  and  slain.  His  followers 
who  did  not  escape  by  flight,  shared  the  same  fate  (I. 
Mac.  iii.  3-12).  Henceforth,  Judas  wielded  the  captured 
sword  of  Apollonius,  and  his  men  armed  themselves 
with  the  weapons  of  the  slain.  Another  larger  Syrian 
host  under  Seron,  *'  the  commander  of  the  army  of 
Syria,"  was  soon  after  attacked  by  Judas  near  his  home 
at  Modein,  as  they  were  advancing  into  Judea  through 
the  narrow  pass  of  Bethhoron,  and  completely  van- 
quished (I.  Mac.  iii.  13-24). 

316.  Fortunately  for  the  Jews,  the  Syrian  treasury 
was  depleted.  To  secure  new  resources,  Antiochus 
entered  at  this  time  (166  b.  c.)  upon  the  disastrous 
Parthian  war  in  which  he  ultimately  lost  his  life.  He 
left  the  task  of  suppressing  the  Jewish  revolt  to  his 

22 


338      THE   GREEK  PERIOD   OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

vice-regent  Lysias.  Instructed  by  previous  disasters, 
the  most  elaborate  preparations  were  made  to  extermin- 
ate completely  the  rebellious  race  (I.  Mac.  iii.  27-37). 
An  army  of  forty-seven  thousand  was  despatched  under 
the  command  of  three  experienced  generals,  —  Ptolemy, 
Nicanor,  and  Gorgias.  Anticipating  certain  victory,  a 
host  of  slave  merchants  accompanied  the  Syrian  army 
to  be  present  at  the  great  sale  of  Jewish  captives. 
While  the  Syrians  were  encamped  at  Emmaus,  on  the 
plain  at  the  entrance  of  the  hill  country,  Judas  gathered 
his  followers  at  the  historic  stronghold  of  Mizpah,  a 
few  miles  northwest  of  Jerusalem.  He  had  at  his 
command  a  small  but  fairly  well  armed  and  organized 
army,  inspired  by  deep  religious  faith  and  filled  with 
desperate  courage,  begotten  by  the  knowledge  that 
defeat  would  be  worse  than  death.  All  who  might 
quail  at  the  critical  moment  were  allowed  to  depart. 
With  marvellous  skill,  Judas  marshalled  his  forces. 
Learning  that  Gorgias,  one  of  the  Syrian  generals,  was 
advancing  with  a  strong  detachment  to  attack  him  by 
night  at  Mizpah,  he  advanced  by  another  route  directly 
against  the  main  body  of  the  Syrian  army  at  Emmaus. 
Appealing  to  their  faith  and  patriotism  and  enthusiasm, 
he  led  his  men  in  a  sudden  fierce  onset  which  put  the 
entire  hostile  army  to  flight,  and  left  him  in  possession 
of  the  Syrian  camp.  Recalling  his  men  from  the 
pursuit,  Judas  stood  ready  to  meet  the  detachment 
under  Gorgias,  as  it  returned  from  its  futile  pursuit  of 
the  Jews.  The  sight  of  their  burning  camp,  and  of  the 
victorious  army  of  Judas,  unnerved  the  Syrians,  and  they 
joined  in  the  general  rout  (I,  Mac.  iii.  38  to  iv.  25 ;  II. 
Mac.  viii.  8-29).  The  spoil  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Jews  was  enormous,  and  enabled  them  to  equip 


THE  REDEDICATION  OF  THE  TEMPLE     339 

themselves  for  the  next  great  danger  which  threatened 
them.  In  the  autumn  of  165  B.  c,  Lysias  himself  led 
a  new  and  still  larger  army  against  the  Jews.  Avoid- 
ing the  fatal  northern  passes,  he  invaded  Judea  from 
southern  Canaan,  which  was  held  by  the  Edomites  (sect. 
22).  At  Bethzur,  on  the  road  from  Hebron  to  Jerusa- 
lem, a  great  battle  was  fought  in  which  the  small  army 
under  Judas  won  another  crowning  victory,  which 
compelled  Lysias  to  retire  and  leave  the  Jews  for  a 
time  unmolested  (I.  Mac.  iv.  28-35). 

317.  After  two  years  of  almost  constant  fighting, 
Judas  and  his  associates,  by  their  courage  and  zealous 
devotion,  had  won  the  religious  freedom  for  which  they 
had  sacrificed  all  else.  With  mingled  feelings  of  sad- 
ness and  joy,  they  turned  to  the  sacred  city  to  restore 
the  interrupted  service  of  the  temple.  Renegade  Jews 
and  hated  Syrians  still  insulted  them  from  the  frowning 
battlements  of  the  citadel  of  Acra,  which  Judas  was 
unable  to  capture.  While  his  soldiers  guarded  against 
attack  from  the  Syrian  garrison,  and  the  assembled 
people  lamented  over  the  desolation  of  the  sanctuary, 
' '  blameless  priests  cleansed  the  holy  place  and  bore  out 
the  stones  of  defilement"  (I.  Mac.  iv.  42,  43).  The 
desecrated  stones  of  the  great  altar  they  laid  aside  "  in 
a  convenient  place  until  there  should  come  a  prophet  to 
give  an  answer  concerning  them "  (I.  Mac.  iv.  46). 
Then  a  new  altar  was  built,  the  temple  repaired  and 
furnished  anew.  On  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  the  ninth 
month,  December,  165  b.  c,  just  three  years  after  it  had 
been  defiled  by  Antiochus,  the  temple  was  rededicated, 
and  its  service  reinstated.  Universal  joy  filled  all 
hearts,  and  found  expression  in  solemn  sacrifices  and 
loud  songs  of  praise.     For  eight  days,  they  celebrated 


340      THE   GREEK  PERIOD  OF  JEWISH  HISTORY 

the  great  event,  and  decreed  that  ever  after  it  should  be 
commemorated  by  a  yearly  feast  (I.  Mac.  iv.  47-59). 
The  occasion  was  a  memorable  one  in  human  history, 
for  it  represented  the  triumph  of  religious  faith  and 
devotion  over  material  interests  and  brute  force,  and 
declared  to  the  heathen  world  that  there  was  something 
in  the  religion  of  Jehovah  which  distinguished  it  from 
all  others.  For  the  Jews,  it  marked  the  close  of  a  long 
period  of  suppression  and  persecution,  and  inaugurated 
another  filled  with  national  hopes  and  victories.  The 
four  centuries  between  Zedekiah  and  Judas  opened  with 
the  destruction  of  the  temple  and  the  annihilation  and 
enslavement  of  the  Hebrew  nation.  It  ended  appro- 
priately with  the  rededication  of  the  temple,  the  re- 
union of  the  Jewish  people,  and  a  foretaste  of  national 
independence.  During  the  intervening  years,  Judaism 
was  born,  developed,  tested,  and  not  found  wanting. 


APPENDICES 


APPENDIX   I 

THE  NABONIDUS  INSCRIPTION  DESCRIBING  THE 
DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE 

Recent  excavations  have  unearthed  an  important  in- 
scription coming  from  the  reign  of  Nabonidus,  which  con- 
tains the  first  monumental  account,  thus  far  discovered,  of 
the  overthrow  of  the  Assyrian  empire  (in  606-5  b.  c.)  by 
the  combined  attack  of  the  northern  hordes  and  the  Baby- 
lonians. It  also  records  the  first  advent  of  the  Umman- 
Manda  as  an  organized,  united  people. 

The  inscription  has  been  published  by  Messerschmidt 
in  the  Mitteilungen  der  Vorderasiatischen  Gesellschaft, 
1896,  I.,  25.  For  convenient  reference  a  translation  is 
herewith  given : 


He  gave  to  him  (Nabopolassar)  a  helper, 
He  furnished  for  him  a  confederate. 
The  king  of  the  Umman-Manda, 
Who  had  no  equal, 
5  He  made  subject 
To  his  command, 
He  appointed  for  his  aid. 
Above  and  below, 
Right  and  left 
10  He  overthrew,  like  the  storm  flood, 
He  took  vengeance 
For  Babylon, 

He  increased  the  retribution  (?). 
The  king  of  the  Umman-Manda, 


344  APPENDIX  I 

The  fearless, 

Destroyed 

The  temples 

Of  the  gods  of  Assyi-ia 

All  together, 
20  And  the  cities  in  the  territory 

Of  Akkad, 

Which  to  the  king  of 

Akkad 

Had  been  hostile 

And  to  his  help 

Had  not  come. 
25  He  destroyed 

Their  sanctnaries, 

Left  nothing  remaining, 

Laid  waste 

Their  cities, 
30  Increased  (the  desolation), 

Like  the  devastating  hurricane. 

Of  that  which  belonged  to  the  king  of  Babylon 

Through  the  work  of  Marduk, 

Whose  revenge  (?) 
35  Is  plundering, 

He  took  no  share. 

To  the  sanctuaries 

Of  all  the  gods 

He  turned  graciously. 
40  He  did  not  on  a  bed  of  rest 

Lay  himself  down. 


APPENDIX   II 

THE   JERUSALEM  OF   NEHEMIAH 

The  minute  description  of  the  building  of  the  walls  by 
Nehemiah  contained  in  the  third  chapter  of  his  memoirs, 
furnishes  the  most  complete  data  extant  respecting  the 
location  and  general  characteristics  of  Jerusalem.  These 
data  are  further  confirmed  and  supplemented  by  the  de- 
tailed account  of  the  dedication  of  the  walls  (Neh.  xii.  31, 
37-40).  The  facts  are  doubly  valuable  because  the  walls 
which  Nehemiah  restored  were  those  of  pre-exilic  Jerusa- 
lem. Thanks  to  the  extensive  excavations  which  have 
been  carried  on  under  the  direction  of  the  Palestine  Ex- 
ploration Eund,  the  exact  location  of  the  southern  wall  has 
been  determined.  The  southern  halves  of  the  western 
and  eastern  walls  have  been  traced ;  while  their  northern 
courses  are  established  with  comparative  certainty  by  the 
contour  of  the  hills  on  which  Jerusalem  stands.  Only  in 
regard  to  the  exact  course  of  the  northern  wall  is  it 
necessary  to  resort  at  certain  points  to  conjecture. 

Josephus  states  that  in  his  day  there  were  three  walls 
on  the  north.  The  oldest,  which  was  probably  the  one 
built  in  the  days  of  Solomon,  extended  almost  due  east 
from  the  present  Jaffa  gate  (following  the  David  street) 
until  it  reached  the  temple  mount,  where  it  turned  a  right 
angle  to  the  north  so  as  to  include  the  sacred  hill.  The 
second  began  at  "  the  gate  which  they  called  Gennath " 
(probably  the  Ephraim  gate  on  the  map  opposite  page  172) 
which  belonged  to  the  first  wall ;  it  only  encircled  the 
northern  quarter  of  the  city  and  reached  as  far  as  the 


346  APPENDIX  II 

tower  of  Antonia  (Wars  v.  4,  2).  The  third,  which  was 
built  by  Agrippa,  started  from  the  tower  Hippicus  (near 
the  modern  Jaffa  gate)  and  followed  the  line  of  the 
present  northern  wall. 

The  second  northern  wall  was  without  much  doubt  the 
one  restored  by  jSTehemiah,  for  there  is  no  record  of  an- 
other wall  being  built  after  his  time  until  the  third  was 
reared  by  Agrippa.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  suggested  by 
various  Old  Testament  authorities  that  the  ancient  city  of 
Solomon  was  extended  to  the  north  by  the  later  Jewish 
kings,  and  that  the  new  addition  was  called  "  the  second 
quarter  ''  (II.  Chrs.  xxxiii.  14  ;  II.  Kings  xv.  35 ;  xxii.  14  • 
Zeph.  i.  10).  It  appears  to  have  included  the  upper  Tyro- 
pceon  valley,  w^hich,  because  of  its  peculiar  shape,  was 
called  "the  mortar"  (Zeph.  i.  11). 

The  order  followed  in  the  description  of  the  rebuilding 
of  the  walls  by  iSiehemiah  (iii.)  is  the  reverse  of  that  fol- 
lowed by  the  second  procession  at  the  time  of  their  dedi- 
cation (xii.  38,  39).  It  begins  with  the  sheep  gate,  which 
was  north  of  the  temple,  and  approached  from  the  Kidron 
valley  on  the  east  through  the  deep  ravine  which  origi- 
nally formed  the  northern  boundary  of  the  sacred  area. 
This  valley  is  described  by  Josephus  (Ant.  xiv.  4,  2 ; 
Wars  i.  1,  3)  and  has  been  partially  excavated  (Pal.  Ex. 
Fund,  Jerusalem  jMemoirs,  122-141) ;  but  to-day  it  is 
almost  entirely  filled  up  w4th  debris  so  that  it  is  marked 
only  by  a  slight  depression  in  which  is  located  the  pool  of 
Israel.  The  sheep  gate  was  undoubtedly  so  named  be- 
cause at  this  point  the  people  brought  in  their  victims  for 
the  temple  sacrifice.  Its  reconstruction  was  appropriately 
undertaken  by  the  high  priest  and  his  associates,  and  after 
its  completion  it  was  consecrated  by  them.  At  the  upper 
end  of  this  ravine,  where  the  temple  mount  was  connected 
with  its  northern  continuation,  was  one  of  the  most  ex- 
posed points  about  the  city.     Here  stood  the  strong  tower 


APPENDIX  II  347 

of  Hammeah.  ("  the  hundred  ")  and  its  twin  the  tower  of 
Hananel.  Without  much  doubt  they  stood  on  the  site  of 
the  Homan  tower  of  Antonia  and  of  the  modern  Turkish 
barracks.  Excavations  to  the  north  and  south  of  this 
point  have  revealed  no  traces  of  an  ancient  wall,  while  in 
the  foundations  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  are  the  rock  cut- 
tings and  antique  masonry  of  what  may  have  been  the 
original  wall  (P.E.F.,  Jer.  Mems.  127). 

Descending  the  western  slope  of  the  temple  hill,  the 
wall  extended  to  the  fish  gate  down  in  the  upper  Tyropoeon 
valley.  This  was  the  market  quarter  of  the  city  (Zeph. 
i.  10),  and  the  gate  in  all  probability  was  so  named  be- 
cause it  was  near  the  booths  of  the  fish-mongers,  who,  as 
in  Eoman  times,  brought  in  from  the  sea  of  Galilee  and 
Joppa  their  attractive  delicacies.  Like  the  modern  Dam- 
ascus gate,  it  represented  the  northern  exit  of  the  import- 
ant street,  which,  following  within  the  city  the  Tyropoeon 
valley  from  south  to  north,  became  without  the  walls  the 
direct  highway  leading  to  Samaria  and  Galilee. 

Whether  the  wall  described  a  curve  or  a  straight  line  be- 
tween the  fish  gate  and  the  gate  of  the  old  (city  or  wall) 
can  not  be  determined  because  the  land  being  comparatively 
level  admitted  of  either,  and  excavation  here  has  been  im- 
possible owing  to  the  fact  that  the  city  at  this  point  is 
thickly  settled.  The  proportionately  large  number  of 
workmen  assigned  by  Nehemiah  to  this  section  of  the  wall 
indicates  its  strategic  importance,  for  it  was  flanked  by  no 
deep  valleys,  and  therefore  was  a  favorable  point  of  attack. 
The  gate  of  the  old  (city  or  wall)  was  in  all  probability 
the  corner  gate.  This,  according  to  the  chronicler,  was 
provided  by  King  Uzziah  with  a  protecting  tower  (II.  Chrs. 
xxvi.  9).  Possibly  it  was  spoken  of  as  the  gate  of  the  old 
because  it  marked  the  end  of  the  old  and  the  beginning  of 
the  shorter  new  wall,  which,  according  to  the  natural 
translation  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  Nehemiah  iii.  S^  (sup- 


348  APPENDIX  II 

ported  by  the  Septuagint  and  Vulgate),  was  then  built  be- 
tween this  point  and  the  Ephraim  gate,  so  that  here  part 
of  the  territory  included  within  pre-exilic  Jerusalem  was 
left  out.  If,  as  is  claimed  by  many,  the  last  section  of  the 
thirty-first  chapter  of  Jeremiah  is  post-exilic,  the  thirty- 
eighth  and  thirty-ninth  verses  corroborate  the  general 
reconstruction  suggested  on  the  ma]3  (opposite  page  172) : 
"The  city  shall  be  built  to  the  Lord  from  the  tower  of 
Hananel  unto  the  gate  of  the  corner.  And  the  measuring 
line  shall  yet  go  out  straight  onwards  unto  the  hill  Gareb 
and  shall  turn  about  unto  Goah.'^  If  the  passage  is  exilic, 
its  testimony  is  still  valuable,  for  it  affirms  that  the  city 
which  then  lay  in  ruins  would  all  of  it  again  "  be  holy  to 
the  Lord."  The  suggested  reconstruction  of  the  wall  also 
conforms  to  the  physical  contour  of  the  native  rock  at  this 
point,  which  has  been  deeply  buried  by  later  deposits 
(P.E.F.,  Jer.  Mems.  285-292).  This  brings  the  wall  to  the 
Ephraim  gate,  which  was  located  in  the  northwestern 
branch  of  the  Tyropoeon  valley. 

South  of  the  Ephraim  gate,  where  the  city  was  exposed 
to  attack  from  the  west,  it  was  protected  by  a  double  wall 
The  remainder  of  the  western  wall  has  been  traced  along 
the  brow  of  the  hill.  The  references  in  Nehemiah  suggest 
that  the  tower  of  the  furnaces  was  found  on  the  south- 
Avestern  corner  of  the  city  near  the  gate  which  has  recently 
been  disclosed  by  the  excavations.  The  furnaces  or  ovens 
which  gave  the  name  to  the  tower  located  there,  whose 
foundations  had  been  unearthed,  were  in  all  probability 
those  used  by  the  potters  in  baking  their  wares.  That 
their  shops  were  located  at  this  point  down  in  the  valley 
of  Hinnom  just  outside  the  gate,  which  from  the  fact  was 
earlier  called  the  gate  of  the  potsherds,  is  clearly  indi- 
cated by  the  references  in  Jeremiah  xviii.  2-4  and  xix, 
1-6.  Without  much  doubt,  the  tower  was  the  one  which 
the  chronicler  states  was  built  by  Uzziah  at  the  valley 


APPENDIX  II  349 

gate  when  he  fortified  the  corners  of  the  city  (II.  Chrs. 
xxvi.  9). 

That  the  valley  gate  is  identical  with  the  one  discovered 
by  Doctor  Bliss  at  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  ancient 
city,  and  not  with  the  one  near  the  modern  Jaffa  gate,  as 
he  suggests,  is  reasonably  certain.  The  name  itself  is 
much  more  appropriate  for  a  gate  situated  far  down  in  the 
valley  of  Hinnom  than  for  one  up  on  the  heights ;  and  the 
names  of  the  gates  of  Jerusalem  were  derived  from  their 
use  or  from  something  near  them.  The  minute  descrip- 
tions in  Nehemiah  are  satisfied  only  by  the  first  identifi- 
cation. At  the  dedication  of  the  temple,  the  two  bands 
started  from  the  valley  gate  at  the  corner  of  the  city  oppo- 
site the  temple.  The  one  band  went  to  the  right,  along 
the  southern  and  eastern  wall,  while  the  other  went  to  the 
left,  along  the  western  and  northern  wall.  The  latter 
went  first  above  the  tower  of  the  furnaces  (which  must 
therefore  have  been  located  in  the  valley),  then,  after  pass- 
ing along  the  broad  wall,  and  then  above  the  gate  of 
Ephraim  (which  must  have  been  located  in  the  slight  de- 
pression made  by  the  northwestern  branch  of  the  Tyro- 
poeon  valley),  went  by  the  gate  of  the  old  wall  and  the  fish 
gate  to  the  sheep  gate.  Also  on  the  occasion  of  his  mid- 
night ride  Nehemiah  "  went  out  by  the  valley  gate  toward 
the  dragon's  well  and  to  the  dung  gate ''  and  the  fountain 
gate  (ii.  13,14). 

Furthermore,  if  Doctor  Bliss's  identification  of  the  gate 
in  the  valley  of  Hinnom  with  the  dung  gate  be  accepted, 
Nehemiah  made  no  provisions  for  the  repair  of  the  nine- 
teen hundred  feet  of  wall  between  that  and  the  fountain 
gate  (iii.  14,  15) ;  but  if  it  be  identified  with  the  valley 
gate  the  one  thousand  cubits  of  wall  restored  by  the  in- 
habitants of  Zanoah  between  the  valley  gate  and  the  dung 
gate  (verse  13)  conforms  closely  to  the  results  of  the  act- 
ual measurement  of  the  distance  between  the  southwest- 


350  APPENDIX  II 

ern  gate  and  tlie  little  gate  discovered  only  a  few  feet 
west  of  the  fountain  gate.  The  fact  that  no  especial 
group  of  workmen  was  assigned  to  the  wall  between  these 
gates  finds  its  complete  explanation  in  the  fact  that  they 
were  so  near  to  each  other.  Of  the  identity  of  the  foun- 
tain gate  as  the  chief  exit  at  the  southern  end  of  the  city, 
there  can  be  no  doubt ;  while  the  object  of  the  little  gate, 
which  was  only  four  feet  ten  inches  in  width,  and  too 
near  the  large  fountain  gate,  Avhere  the  streets  converged, 
to  be  of  use  to  the  general  public,  is  satisfactorily  ex- 
plained by  the  name,  "  dung  gate.''  The  execution  of  the 
strict  sanitary  laws  of  the  Pentateuch  aj)pears  to  have 
made  necessary  a  special  gate  through  which  refuse  of  the 
city  could  be  carried  out.  It  is  also  interesting  to  note 
that  it  occupied  precisely  the  same  position  relative  to 
the  ancient  city  as  does  the  present  dung  gate  to  modern 
Jerusalem . 

Its  position  on  the  sloping  side  hill,  and  the  fact  that 
it  was  in  part  cut  out  of  the  native  rock,  explain  how  one 
gang  of  workmen  sufficed  to  repair  most  of  the  southern 
wall.  The  excavations  have  also  given  us  a  vivid  concep- 
tion of  its  character.  On  the  southwest  corner  has  been 
found  a  tower  base  measuring  about  forty-five  feet  each 
way,  and  rising  twenty  feet  from  an  outer  ledge  of  rock 
(Bliss-Excavations  at  Jerusalem,  2-4).  Between  this  and 
the  valley  gate,  there  are  numerous  cuttings  in  the  rock 
which  indicate  that  once  it  was  the  base  of  formidable  for- 
tifications. In  places  the  natural  rock  has  been  so  cut  that 
it  rises  to  a  sheer  height  of  forty  feet,  with  a  shallower  cut- 
ting within.  It  thus  constituted  in  itself  an  almost  im- 
pregnable wall.  On  the  west  side  of  the  valley  gate  was 
found  the  base  of  another  tower,  forty-three  feet  in  length 
on  its  face,  and  running  back  for  a  long  distance. 

The  width  of  the  ancient  valley  gate  was  only  eight  feet 
ten  inches  on  the  outside,  and  somewhat  s^reater  on  the  in- 


APPENDIX  II  351 

side.  The  thickness  of  the  wall  on  the  east  of  the  gate 
was  nine  feet.  The  lower  sockets  of  the  gate  are  still  in 
position  (Bliss-E.  J.,  16-20).  The  worn  pavement  of  the 
ancient  street  which  led  to  the  fountain  gate  and  the  usual 
drain  beneath  have  also  been  uncovered. 

Along  the  southern  wall  were  found  several  buttressing 
towers  of  different  sizes  and  of  unequal  distances  from 
each  other.  The  fountain  gate  —  nine  feet  six  inches  in 
width  —  was  also  guarded  by  towers. 

Where  the  ancient  wall  crossed  the  lower  Tyropoeon 
valley  from  the  fountain  gate  to  the  ascent  of  Ophel,  it 
was  flanked  on  the  outside  with  six  buttresses,  resting  on 
a  base  wall  about  twenty  feet  thick  (Bliss-E.J.,  97). 
Along  most  of  its  course  from  the  southwestern  corner  of 
the  temple  area  to  the  fountain  gate,  the  main  street, 
which  ran  along  the  bottom  of  the  Tyropoeon  valley,  has 
been  traced.  Its  width  varied  from  twenty-five  to  Mtj 
feet.  It  was  paved  and  provided  with  a  curb.  Where  the 
ground  ascended,  there  were  broad,  low,  rock-cut  steps 
constructed  like  some  of  the  modern  Jerusalem  streets,  so 
that  they  could  be  used  by  beast  as  well  as  by  foot-pas- 
sengers. Beneath  the  street  was  tha  great  drain,  which 
probably  followed  it  through  its  entire  length  from  the 
fish  gate  to  the  fountain  gate.  One  street  was  found 
branching  to  the  west  toward  the  Ephraim  gate,  but  none 
to  the  east.  On  the  east  side  of  the  pool  of  Siloam,  rock- 
cut  steps  were  found  leading  down  to  it  and  joining  the 
main  street.  The  southern  slope  of  Ophel  between  the 
Tyropoeon  street  and  the  eastern  wall  was  occupied  by 
the  palace  and  public  buildings.  About  the  great  pool 
within  the  walls,  and  just  north  of  the  fountain  gate,  were 
found  the  king's  garden  (Jer.  xxxix.  4;  ISTeh.  iii.  15). 
Close  to  the  wall  were  the  stairs  which  led  up  to  Ophel 
(ISTeh.  iii.  15;  xii.  37)  of  which  the  recent  excavations 
appear  to  have  uncovered  traces  (Bliss-E.J.  176).     If  the 


352  APPENDIX  II 

surface  immediately  north  of  the  king's  garden  had  been 
carefully  excavated,  we  might  know  the  exact  location  of 
the  sepulchres  of  David  and  of  the  public  building  situated 
there.  The  absence  of  any  trace  of  a  gate  between  this 
tower  and  the  fountain  gate  is  in  perfect  harmony  with 
the  descriptions  of  Neheraiah. 

The  water  gate  was  just  above  this  tower  (Neh.  iii.  26), 
and  was  the  most  important  eastern  entrance  to  the  city. 
It  was  probably  so  named  because  from  it  the  road  led 
down  to  Jerusalem's  one  perennial  spring,  —  the  present 
Virgin's  fount.  It  opened  into  the  official  quarter  of  the 
city.  In  front  of  it,  within  the  city,  as  before  the  Ephraim 
gate  and  the  modern  Jaffa  gate,  was  an  open  space  where 
the  peox^le  assembled  on  public  occasions  (ISTeh.  viii.  1, 16). 
The  horse  gate  was  a  short  distance  further  north.  The 
reference  in  II.  Kings  xi.  16  indicates,  as  does  its  name, 
that  it  was  originally  built  as  "the  horses'  entry  to  the 
king's  house."  It  marked  the  northern  limit  of  the  Toyal 
buildings  and  the  beginning  of  those  which  belonged  to 
the  temple  and  the  priests  (Neh.  iii.  27  ;  Jer.  xxxi.  40). 

The  gate  of  Hammiphkad  was  near  the  northeast  cor* 
ner  of  the  city,  east  of  the  temple,  and  without  much  doubt 
identical  with  the  gate  of  the  guard,  where  one  of  the 
companies  who  took  part  in  the  dedication  of  the  walls 
paused  before  the  sanctuary  (Neh.  xii.  39 ;  compare  II. 
Kings  xi.  6).  The  shafts  sunk  by  the  Palestine  Explora- 
tion Fund  uncovered  a  massive  masonry  wall  forty-six 
feet  to  the  east  of  the  present  sanctuary  wall,  running 
from  the  south  to  the  north,  and  turning  to  the  northwest 
at  the  northern  angle  of  the  golden  gate  (P.E.F.,  Jer.  Mems. 
144).  That  this  is  the  northeastern  angle  of  the  ancient 
wall  is  confirmed  by  the  configuration  of  the  natural  rock, 
which  descends  suddenly  at  this  point  into  the  ravine  to 
the  north,  which  leads  up  from  the  Kidron  valley. 

Inside  the  gate  of  the  guard  were  found  the  bazaars  at 


APPENDIX  II  353 

which  the  people  coming  from  a  distance  could  purchase 
those  things  which  were  needful  for  their  offerings  ;  and 
here  also  dwelt  a  group  of  the  Nethinim,  who  perhaps 
took  charge  of  the  animals  which  were  brought  in  for 
sacrifice. 

Combining  the  testimony  of  the  biblical  references  with 
the  results  of  modern  excavation,  we  are  thus  able  to  gain 
a  very  definite  conception  of  ancient  Jerusalem.  Although 
it  did  not  extend  as  far  north,  it  reached  so  much  farther 
down  into  the  valley  to  the  south  that  its  total  area  was 
the  same  as  that  which  is  inclosed  within  the  walls  of  the 
modern  town.  Compared  with  our  western  cities,  Jerusa- 
lem was  very  small,  for  its  greatest  width  was  less  than 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  ;  but,  measured  by  Oriental  stan- 
dards, the  city  of  Nehemiah  was  described  as  "  wide  and 
large"  (Neh.  vii.  4). 


23 


APPENDIX   III 
BOOKS  OF   REFERENCE   UPON  JEWISH   HISTORY 

The  new  interest  and  importance  now  associated  with 
the  exilic  and  post-exilic  periods  have  already  called  forth 
a  number  of  monographs  and  articles  which  have  made  it 
necessary  at  certain  points  to  modify  the  conception  of 
the  course  of  events  presented  in  the  histories  of  Ewald, 
Stanley,  Eenan,  Stade,  and  even  in  the  more  recent  brief 
sketches  by  AYellhausen,  Klostermann,  and  Cornill.  The 
pioneer  work  has  been  done  by  the  Dutch  scholars.  In 
1890  Van  Hoonacker  in  his  Nehemie  et  Esdras  first  main- 
tained that  while  Nehemiah's  activity  was  during  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  I.,  that  of  Ezra  was  under  the  rule  of 
Artaxerxes  II.  This  conclusion  he  has  reasserted  in  his 
later  works  :  Nehemie  en  Van  20  dJ Artax,  /.,  Esdras  en 
Van  7  d^Artax.  11.,  1892;  Zorobahel  et  le  Second  Temple, 
1892 ;  and  J^tudes  siir  la  Restauration  Juive  apr-es  VExil 
de  Bahylone,  1896.  Kuenen  in  De  Chronologie  van  het 
Ferzische  Tijdvah,  1890  (translated  in  Gesammelte  Ah- 
handlungen,  1894),  replied,  defending  the  commonly  ac- 
cepted date  of  Ezra's  expedition  (458  b.  c,  before  the 
appearance  of  aSTehemiah  in  Judali).  While  he  practically 
proved  that  Nehemiah  must  have  gone  to  Jerusalem  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  I.,  his  arguments  in  regard  to 
the  date  of  Ezra  are  not  so  conclusive. 

In  1893  appeared  the  Herstel  van  Israel  in  het  Ferzische 
Tijdvak  (translated  by  Basedow,  Die  Wiederherstellung 
Israels,  1895)  from  the  x^en  of  the  late  lamented  Professor 
Kosters  of  Leiden  in  which,  after  carefully  analyzing  the 


APPENDIX  III  355 

Books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  he  presented  an  array  of 
evidence  supporting  the  conclusion  that  the  true  order  of 
the  three  great  events  in  the  Persian  period  were :  (1) 
the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  by  Nehemiah, 
(2)  the  work  of  Ezra,  and  (3)  the  general  return  of  Jews 
to  Judah  from  Babylon;  while  the  temple  was  rebuilt 
about  520  b.  c,  by  the  Jews  who  had  been  left  behind  in 
Palestine. 

Although  this  thesis,  which  is  strongly  supported  by 
its  intrinsic  reasonableness,  as  well  as  by  the  testimony 
of  the  earliest  sources,  has  since  been  subjected  to  the 
most  searching  criticism,  it  has  been  only  slightly  modi- 
fied. In  his  reply  to  Kosters  {Die  lluckkehr  der  Juclen  aiis 
clem  babyloniscJien  Exit  in  Nachrkhten  d.  Konigl.  Gesellsch. 
d.  Wissenschaften  zii  Gottingen  1895,  p.  166-186),  and  in 
his  latest  writings,  Wellhausen,  although  nominally  main- 
taining—  with  not  a  little  dogmatism  —  the  current  view, 
is  forced  to  make  so  great  concessions  that  he  practi- 
cally admits  the  claim  of  the  Leiden  scholar  that  there 
was  no  considerable  return  in  537  b.  c.  He  also  sug- 
gests that  the  '^  seventh  year  "  in  Ezra  vii.  8  read  origi- 
nally the  *' thirty-seventh "  (the"  thirty"  having  been 
omitted  by  some  copyist),  so  that  Ezra's  expedition 
followed  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  by  Nehemiah. 

The  famous  historian,  Eduard  Meyer,  issued  in  1896 
his  Entstehimg  des  Judenthums,  in  which  he  throws  much 
new  light  upon  the  life  and  development  of  the  Jewish 
community  during  the  Persian  period.  He  skilfully 
arrays  all  the  arguments  in  favor  of  a  slightly  modified 
form  of  the  older  view  concerning  the  order  of  events  ; 
but  in  some  cases  he  ignores  and  in  others  he  fails  to  ex- 
plain away  the  facts,  which  call  for  a  new  reconstruction. 
Although  in  the  main  supporting  his  earlier  positions, 
the  book  was  the  object  of  a  bitter  attack  by  Professor 
Wellhausen  (Gottingische  Gelehrte  Anzeigen,  1897,  p.  SO- 


356  APPENDIX   III 

97),  which  elicited  a  counter-reply  from  Professor  Meyer 
(Julius  Wellhausen  und  meine  Sclirift :  Die  Entstehung des 
JudentluimSj  1897).  Unfortunately  the  personal  and  dog- 
matic elements  in  these  articles  are  so  prominent  that 
little  new  light  is  shed  upon  the  subjects  under  consider- 
ation. Dr.  Torrey  gave  a  new  turn  to  the  discussion  in 
his  monograph,  The  Comj^osition  and  Historical  Value  of 
Ezra-Nehemiah,  1896 ;  for,  after  a  scholarly  critical  analy- 
sis of  Ezra-Nehemiah,  he  comes  in  all  seriousness  to  the 
surprising  conclusion  ''that,  aside  from  the  greater  part 
of  Neheraiah  1-6,  the  book  has  no  value  whatever  as 
history,"  and  that  ''  the  work  of  the  chronicler,  whatever 
else  may  be  said  of  it,  certainly  throws  no  light  on  the 
history  of  the  Jews  in  the  Persian  period"  (p.  65).  Dr. 
Torrey's  methods  are  purely  those  of  literary  criticism, 
and  in  the  thorough  ax^plication  of  them  he  has  made  a 
definite  contribution  to  the  knowledge  of  the  origin  of 
Ezra-Nehemiah.  Accepting  his  data,  however,  the  his- 
torical student  must  fundamentally  question  his  con- 
clusions, because  they  involve  the  unwarranted  and 
improbable  assumption  that  later  traditions,  and  es- 
pecially those  in  regard  to  the  post-exilic  period  with 
which  the  chronicler  and  his  first  readers  were  familiar, 
were  absolutely  untrustworthy. 

While  a  few  of  the  recent  writers,  like  George  Adam 
Smith  in  The  Book  of  the  Twelve  Prophets,  1898  (Vol.  II. 
p.  204-215).  Piepenbring  in  his  Histoire  d-u  Feuple 
d^ Israel,  1898,  and  Klostermann  in  his  Geschichte  des 
Volkes  Israel,  1896,  continue  to  hold  to  the  older  view  of 
a  general  return  of  Jews  to  Palestine  from  Babylon  about 
537  B.  c,  a  growing  number  accept  that  of  Kosters. 
Thus,  Sellin  in  his  Seruhhahel,  1898,  Marquart  in  his 
Fundainente  Israelitischer  und  Jiidischer  Geschlclite,  1896, 
(p.  28-68),  and  Cheyne  in  his  Jeivish  Religious  Life  after 
the  Exile,  1898,  adopt  the  new  view  as  the  basis  of  their 
treatment  of  the  history. 


APPENDIX  in  357 

In  addition  to  the  standard  work  by  Driver,  Introduc- 
tion  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament  (6th  edition), 
1898,  English  readers  will  welcome  the  translation,  under 
the  author's  direction,  of  Kautzsch's  Outline  of  the  History 
of  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament^  1898. 

The  critical  analysis  of  the  closing  chapters  of  the  Book 
of  Isaiah  has  been  greatly  advanced  within  recent  years  by 
the  fundamental  work  of  Duhm  in  Das  Buch  Jesaia,  1892, 
and  by  Cheyne  in  his  Introduction  to  the  Book  of  Isaiah, 
1896.  The  results  of  Ley,  presented  in  his  Historische 
ErM'drung  des  zweiten  Theils  des  Jesaia,  1893,  are  sug- 
gestive but  will  not  command  general  acceptance.  Of 
great  interpretative  value  is  George  Adam  Smith's  The 
Book  of  Isaiah,  Vol.  II.,  1890.  The  same  is  true  of  his 
second  volume  of  The  Book  of  the  Tivelve  Prophets,  1898, 
which  treats  of  the  post-exilic  prophets,  presenting  ad- 
mirable introductions  to  each.  The  commentaries  of 
Bevan  and  Farrar  on  The  Book  of  Daniel  are  the  most 
useful.  The  recent  book  by  Streane,  The  Age  of  the 
Maccabees,  1898,  besides  having  much  excellent  material 
bearing  on  the  literature  of  the  Greek  and  Maccabean 
period,  contains  an  appendix  (C)  which  presents  in  a 
very  complete  form  the  conservative  refutation  of  the 
argument  against  the  late  date  of  Daniel. 

Although  our  concept  of  the  historical  background  is 
somewhat  different,  the  epoch-making  works  of  Well- 
hausen.  Prolegomena  to  the  History  of  Israel,  1885,  and  of 
Kuenen,  The  Hexateuch,  1886,  and  the  more  recent  work 
of  Addis,  The  Documeiits  of  the  Hexateuch  I.,  II.,  1893- 
1898,  are  valuable  guides  for  the  analysis  of  the  books 
which  contain  the  Priestly  Code  which  was  the  constitu- 
tion of  Judaism. 

The  Book  of  Enoch  has  been  rendered  easily  accessible 
to  the  English  student  by  an  admirable  translation,  pre- 
faced with  concise  introductions  and  supplied  with  notes, 


358  APPENDIX  III 

by  Charles.  The  edition  of  the  text  of  Herodotus,  with 
notes  and  introductions  by  Sayce  in  his  Ancient  E))i2nres 
of  the  East,  1883,  is  very  useful. 

The  Babylonian  and  Persian  inscriptions  have  been 
made  accessible  to  the  public  in  the  Records  of  the  Past, 
1892,  and  in  the  more  carefully  prepared  Keilinschriftliche 
Bibliothek,  1889-1896,  edited  by  Schrader.  Chiefly  of 
value  because  of  his  insight  into  the  social  and  religious 
life  of  the  Jewish  people  is  the  recent  Histolre  clu  Feuple 
6} Israel,  1898,  by  Piepenbring.  Hunter's  After  the  Exile, 
I.,  II.,  1890,  is  a  vivid,  popular  sketch  of  the  century  of 
Jewish  history  following  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by 
Cyrus.  The  old  view  of  the  order  of  events  of  course  is 
the  one  followed.  The  first  volume  of  Schiirer's  The 
Jeivish  Feojyle  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ,  1890,  contains 
a  reliable  summary  of  events  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  Greek  period.  A  revised  and  reconstructed  edition 
of  this  monumental  work  is  now  appearing  in  Germany. 

A  vital  question  in  the  history  of  Judaism  is  thoroughly 
treated  by  Bertholet  in  Die  Stellung  cler  Israeliten  und 
der  Juclen  zu  den  Fremden,  1896.  In  his  Orlglnes  Judai- 
cae,  1895,  Cobb  presents  in  attractive  form  many  interest- 
ing facts  and  theories  respecting  the  origin  of  Jewish 
institutions.  The  articles  in  Hastings's  Dictionaru  of  the 
Bible,  1898,  in  Benzinger's  Hehrdische  Archdologie,  1894, 
and  in  Nowack's  Lehrhuch  der  HebrdlscJioi  Archdologie, 
1894,  are  concise  and  reliable. 

The  religious  development  of  later  Judaism  is  treated 
from  a  broad  point  of  view  by  Toy  in  his  Judaism  and 
Christianity,  1890.  The  memorable  work  of  Kuenen, 
The  Religion  of  Israel,  1883,  is  still  full  of  suggestion^ 
especially  in  the  treatment  of  the  Persian  and  Greek 
periods.  Professor  Cheyne  has  introduced  a  wealth  of 
material  respecting  the  religious  development  of  Judaism 
into  his  Origin  and  Religious  Contents  of  the  Psalter,  1889. 


APPENDIX  III  359 

His  latest  book,  Jetcish  Religious  Life  after  the  Exile, 
1898,  is  in  many  ways  the  most  important  which  has 
yet  been  written  upon  the  period,  for  it  presents  in  popu- 
lar form  the  results  of  a  ripe  scholarship,  and  is  based 
upon  the  new  historical  reconstruction.  The  Religion  of 
the  A7icie7it  Hebrews,  1893,  by  Montefiore  is  a  brilliant 
and  scholarly  treatment  of  the  origin  and  growth  of  the 
Jehovah  religion  from  the  point  of  view  of  modern  pro- 
gressive Judaism. 

New  light  has  been  shed  upon  contemporary  Jewish 
history  by  the  Untersuchitngen  zur  altovientalischen  Ge- 
schichte,  1889,  by  AVinckler  and  1897  by  Eost.  Mahaffy's 
Greek  Life  and  Thought,  1887,  and  The  Em'pire  of  the 
Ftolemies,  1895,  and  Droysen's  History  of  Hellenism  give 
realistic  pictures  of  the  background  of  Judaism  in  the 
Greek  period. 

The  results  of  the  recent  important  excavations  of  the 
Palestine  Exploration  Fund  are  presented  to  the  public  in 
the  carefully  prepared  volume  by  Dr.  Bliss  on  Excava- 
tions at  Jerusalem,  1898. 

At  last  the  chronology  of  the  Babylonian,  Persian,  and 
Greek  periods  appears  to  have  been  definitely  determined 
through  the  thorough  investigations  of  Mahler,  presented 
in  Der  Schaltcyclus  der  Bahylonier  (in  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Assyriologie,  ix.  p.  42-61)  and  in  the  Denkschriften  der 
kaiserlichen  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  1895,  Ixii.  p. 
641-664.  They  are  confirmed  alike  by  the  historical  data 
and  by  the  testimony  of  astronomy.  Detailed  questions 
of  chronology  are  treated  by  Kuenen  (  Gesammelte  Ahhand- 
liingen,  1894,  p.  212  ff.)  and  by  Oppert  (in  Zeitschrift  der 
Deidschen  Morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft,  lii.  259-270, 
compare  Mahler  in  the  same,  p.  227-246). 


BOOKS   OF   REFEKENCE 


Abbreviations. 

DrLOT^  . 
SmOTJC 


EnB    .     . 
CornEAT 

ReussGAT 

KostWI  . 

MeyEJ   . 


LITERATURE 

Driver  —  Introduction  to   the  Literature  of 

the  Old  Testament  (6th  edition),  1898. 

W.  R.  Smith  —  The  Old  Testament  in  the 

Jewish  Church,  1892. 
Encyclopaedia  Britanuica. 
Cornill — Einleitung  in  das  Alte  Testament 

(2te  Aufl.),  1892. 
Reuss  —  Geschichte  des  Alten  Testaments, 

1890. 
Rosters  —  Wiederherstellung  Israels  in  der 

persischen  Periode,  1895. 
Meyer  —  Entstehung  des  Judenthums,  1896. 


HISTORY 

EwHI      ....     Ewald  —  History  of  Israel,  V.  (Eng.  transl. 

1885). 
RePI Renan  —  History  of  the   People   of  Israel, 

IIL,  IV.,  1895. 
CornHPI      .     .     .     Cornill  —  History  of  the  People  of  Israel, 

1898. 
GrHJ      ....     Graetz  —  History  of  the  Jews,  L,  1891. 
SchJPTC     .     .     .     Schurer— The  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of 

Jesus   Christ,    Div.    I.    I.,   IL,   Div.    II. 

I.-IIL,  1890. 
StGVI    ....     Stade  —  Geschichte  des   Volkes  Israel,   II. , 

1888. 
PiepHPI      .     .     .     Piepenbring  —  Histoire  du  Peuple  dTsrael, 

1898. 
TieleBAG    .     .     .     Tiele  —  Babylonische-Assyrische  Geschichte, 

IL.  1888. 


BOOKS  OF  REFERENCE 


361 


PROPHECY 


Abbreviations. 

SmBI .     . 
SmBTP  . 

CheyuelBI 

CornPI     . 


G.  A.  Smith  — The  Book  of  Isaiah,  IT.,  1890. 
G.  A.  Smith  — The   Book  of  the   Twelve 

Prophets,  II.,  1898. 
Cheyne  —  Introduction     to    the    Book     of 

Isaiah,  1895. 
Cornill  —  The  Prophets  of  Israel,  1895. 


RELIGION 

CheyneJRL  .     .     .     Cheyne — Jewish   Religious   Life   after  the 

Exile,  1898. 
KuRI Kuenen  —  The  Religion  of  Israel,  II.,  III., 

1883. 
MontRAH   .     .     .     Montefiore  —  The   Religion  of  the  Ancient 

Hebrews,  1892. 
SchultzOTT      .     .     Schultz  —  Old  Testament   Theology,  I.,  IL 

(Eng.  transl.  1892). 


REFERENCES 

Part   L  — THE    BABYL0:NIAN   PEEIOD   OF 
JEWISH   HISTOEY 


THE    HISTORICAL     SOURCES     AND     LITERATURE     OF    THE     PERIOD 

II.  Kgs.  xxiv.,  XXV  ;  Isa.  xiii.  to  xiv.  23  ;  xl.  to  Iv.  ;  Jer.  xxiv. ; 
xxix.  ;  xliv. ;  1.  2  to  li.  58  ;  Ezekiel ;  Obadiah  ;  Lamentations  ; 
Psalm  cxxxvii.  ;  Daniel ;  History  of  Snsanna  ;  Bel  and  the 
Dragon  ;  Book  of  Baruch ;  DrLOT^  219-223,  236-246,  266-298, 
318-321,  456-465;  EnB  viii.  828-30;  xiii.  379-384,  751,  752; 
CheynelBL  67-78,  121-128,  204-211,  237-310,  412-431 ;  CornEAT 
138-155,  169-171,  178-180,  244-248. 

II 

THE   DISPERSION    OF    THE   JEWS 

KuRI  11.  174-182;  RePI  III.  282-308 ;  GrHJ  313-316 ; 
MontRAH  207-209  ;  ReussGAT  422,  423. 

Ill 

THE    CHARACTER    AND    CONDITION    OF    THE   JEWS   IN   PALESTINE 
AND    EGYPT 

SmBTPII.    177-184;  GrHJ  317-328. 
IV 

THE    JEWISH    EXILES    IN    BABYLON 

SmBI  II.  48-68;  CornllPI  145-148;  KnRI  II.  98-105; 
RePI  III.   309-322;  EwHI  V.    1-19;  GrHJ  329-332  ;  MontRAH 


REFERENCES  363 

222-230;  TieleBAG     II.  424-457,   485-GlO;   StGVI  II.     3-15; 
KeussGAT  429,  430  ;  PiepHPI  438-444. 


V 

PERSONALITY    AND    WORK    OF    THE    PRIEST-PROPHET     EZEKIEL 

SmOTJC    374-382;    CornPI   115-124;    KuRI     II.  105-118; 

GrHJ    332-334;    RePI     III.     323-3G0 ;    MontRAH  238-259; 

StGVI     11.     15-18,     24-63;    ReussGAT    431-440;  PiepHPI 
445-466. 

VI 

THE    LITERARY   ACTIVITY    OF    THE    EXILE 

KuRI  II.  147-173  ;  RePI  III.  301-367  ;  MontRAH  231-236  ; 
CornEAT  131-133;  StGVI  II.  19-24,  63-67;  ReussGAT  440- 
445;  PiepHPI  467-510. 

vn 

THE    CLOSING   YEARS    OF    THE    BABYLONIAN    RULE 

KuRI  II.  119-120  ;  EwHI  V.  33-41 ;  CornPI  125-130 ;  EnB 
vi.  752-753;  xiii.  417;  xviii.  564-566;  RePI  IH.  368-373; 
GrHJ  342-344;  CornHPI  148-150;  MontRAH  260-263;  Tiele- 
BAG II.   457-472. 

VIII 

THE    MESSAGE    OF    THE   GREAT   PROPHET   OF    THE    EXILE 

SmBI  71-407;  CornPI  131-144;  KuRI  II.  121-141;  EwHI 
V.  41-47;  RePI  III.  390-422;  GrHJ  344-349;  SchultzOTT  I. 
311-320;  MontRAH  264-280  ;  StGVI  II.  68-94. 


364  REFERENCES 


Part  II.  — THE   PERSIAN   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 


THE    HISTORICAL      SOURCES    AND    LITERATURE      OF    THE    PERIOD 

Ezra ;  Nehemiah  ;  Ruth  ;  Haggai ;  Zechariah  ;  Isa.  xxiv.  to 
xxvii. ;  Ivi.  to  Ixvi.  ;  Malachi ;  Joel;  elonah  ;  DrLOT^  1-69, 
126-159,  307-313,  321-325,  343-346,  355-391,  408-435,  453-456; 
EiiB  viii.  831,832;  xi.  270,  271,  756-759;  xiii.  704-706;  xv. 
313,  314;  XX.  29-34;  xxiv.  773,  774;  SmOTJC  188-225; 
CornEAT  174-176,  193-218,  229-237,  242,  243.  262-270; 
MeyEJ  1-71. 

II 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  BABYLON  AND  THE  POLICY  OF  CYRUS 

KuRI  II.  141-147,  202-208  ;  EnB  xiii.  417  ;  CornPI  145-149  ; 
EwHI  V.  47-52;  GiHJ  349-353;  RePI  III.  373-389; 
TieleBAGII.    472-484. 

HI 

THE    REVIVAL    OF    THE    JEWISH    COMMUNITY   IN   PALESTINE 

CheyneJRL  5-12  ;  MontRAH  286-296;  SraBTP  II.  198-220; 
StGVI  II.  98-112;  KostWI  29-42;  PiepHPI  511-521. 


IV 

THE    REBUILDING    OF    THE    TEMPLE    AND   THE    SERMONS   OF 
HAGGAI 

SmBTP  II.    225-252;  KuRIII.   205-210;  CornHPI  152-154; 
EnB     vi.     825,     826;    xviii.     566-571;    StGVI 
KostWI  1-29;  MeyEJ  79-89  ;  Reuss GAT  467-470. 


REFERENCES  365 


THE    HOPES    AND   DISCOURAGEMENTS    OF    THE    TEMPLE 
BUILDERS 

SmBTPTI.  255-328;  KuRI  IT.  210-215;  RePI  IV.  30-44 
CheyneJRL  12-24;  StGVI  11.123-128;  ReussGAT  471,  472 
PiepHPI  522-528. 


VI 

THE    SEVENTY  YEARS     OF    SILENCE    FOLLOWING    THE      BUILDING 
OF    THE    TEMPLE 

SmBTP  II.  331-372  ;  KuRI  II.  215-218  ;  MontRAH  302-304  ; 
StGVI  II.  128-138;  MeyEJ  105-130;  ReussGAT  478-482; 
PiepHPI  529-535. 


vn 


THE    REBUILDING    OF    THE    WALLS    TTNDER    NEHEMIAH 

KuRI  II.  224-231,  234-239;  EwHI  V.  147-164;  CornllPI 
160-1G4;  GrIIJ  372-378;  RePI  IV.  56-83;  EnB  sviii.  572-575; 
CheyneJRL  36-50;  StGVI  II.  162-174;  KostWI  42-50; 
PiepHPI  545-552. 


VIII 

PRELIMINARY    REFORM    MEASURES 

CheyneJRL  50-54,  64-69;  StGVI  JI.    186-189  ;  KostWI  64-73. 


IX 

THE    DATE    AND    CHARACTER    OF    EZRA's    EXPEDITION 

CheyneJRL    54-58;  EnB    viii.    830,     831;  RePI    IV.    84-92; 
StGVI  II.    139-141;  KostWI  51-54  ;  PiepHPI  536-544. 


366  REFERENCES 

X 

THE    INSTITUTION    OF    THE    PRIESTLY   LAW 

KuUI  11.  218-224,  231-234,  230-248,  286-291 ;  RePI  IV.  103- 
114;  CheyneJRL  58-64,  70-81,442-449;  CornllPI  156-160, 
104-166;  EiiB  xiii.  418,419;  xviii.  505-519;  EwHI  V.  165-172; 
AIontRAH  314-333;  StGVI  II.  141-160,  177-186;  MeyEJ  199- 
227  ;  ReussGAT  485-492  ;  PiepHPI  553-582. 

XI 

THE    SAMARITAN    TEMPLE    ON    MOUNT    GERIZIM 

RePI  IV.  130-135;  CheyneJRL  24-35;  CornHPI  166-168; 
MontRAH  352,  353  ;  StGVI  II.  189-193;  ReussGAT  493-495. 

XII 

THE  LAST  CENTURY  OF  PERSIAN  RULE 

SmOTJC  438-440;  CheyneJRL  158-172;  MontRAH  360,  361; 
CornllPI  168-170;  SmBTP  II.  375-388,  418-430;  EnB  xi.  100- 
104;  xviii.  575-581;  StGVI  II.  194-196;  KostWI  64-73; 
PiepHPI  583-589,  611-615. 

XIII 

THE    ORIGIN    AND   ORGANIZATION  OF   PRE-HELLENISTIC    JUDAISM 

KuRI  II.  249-286;  SmOTJC  42-72,  359-367;  MontRAH 
383-395;  StGVI  II.    196-218;  MeyEJ  130-190. 

XIV 

THE    INNER    LIFE    AND    FAITH    OF    .lUDAISM 

CheyneJRL  216-261;  KuRI  IIL  1-44;  EwHI  V.  192-206; 
RePI  IV.  136-160;  SchultzOTT  I.  324-406;  GrHI  402-406; 
EnB  xiii.  41.9-420;  xiv.  487-489;  xxiv.  820-823;  MontRAH 
338-342,  415-542;  SmBTP  IL  493-541;  StGVI  II.  218-269; 
MeyEJ  227-243  ;  ReussGAT  524-539 ;  PiepHPI  602-610. 


REFERENCES  367 


Part  III.  —  THE   GREEK   PERIOD   OF  JEWISH 
HISTORY 

I 

THE    HISTORICAL    SOURCES    AND    LITERATURE    OF    THE    PERIOD 

Di-LOXe  347-355,465-540;  SmOTJC  140-148;  CornPI  167- 
169,  173-179;  SmBTP  II.  449-462;  EnB  v.  32-36;  vi.  801- 
807;  vii.  624-626  ;  viii.  560-561 ;  xx.  29-34 ;  xxiv.  774,775; 
SchJPTC  11.,  III.  6-14,  23-44  ;  CornEAT  196-201,  248-262,  270- 
278;  ReussGAT  541-550. 


II 

THE   CONQUESTS    OF    ALEXANDER    AND    THE   RULE    OF    THE 
PTOLEMIES    AND    SELEUCIDS 

KuRI  III.  63-68  ;  EnB  i.  480-485,  493,  494  ;  xi.  104, 105  ;  xiii. 
420;  xviii.  581-586;  CornHPI  170-174;  RePI  IV.  171-189; 
SmBTP  II.  439-446;  GrHJ  411-419;  EwHI  V.  282-293; 
StGVI  II.  273-277,  309,  310 ;  ReussGAT  551-559. 


Ill 

JEWISH    LIFE    IN    EGYPT    AND    PALESTINE 

KuRI  III.  68,  69;  RePI  IV.  198-228,  237-245;  EwHI  V.  225- 
274;  SmOTJC  73-129  ;  MontR AH  363-370;  StGVI  II.  277-292  ; 
PiepHPI  590-601. 

IV 

DIFFERENT   CURRENTS    OF    JEWISH    THOUGHT 

KuRI  III.  70-95;  RePI  IV.  246-265;  EwHI  274-282; 
CheyneJRL  126-158,  173-215;  CornHPI  175-188;  SmBTP  IT. 
467-490;  MontR  AH  374-382 ;  SchJPTC  I.,  I.  186-198;  StGVI 
II.  300-309;  ReussGAT  560-581  ;  PiepHPI  616-683. 


368  REFERENCES 


THE   SUPREME   CRISIS   OF   JUDAISM 

KuRI  III.  95-101;  RePI  IV.  266-27G ;  EwHI  V.  293-300; 
GrHJ  433-458;  CornHPI  188-192;  ScbJPTC  L,  1.198-209; 
StGVI  II.  311-322. 

VI 

THE   GREAT   A^CTORY   OF   JUDAISM 

KuRI  III.  101-114;  RePI  IV.  289-320;  EwHI  V.  302-312; 
CornHPI  192-195;  GrHJ  458-473;  CornPI  173-177  ;  SchJPTC 
I. ,  I.  209-218 ;  StGVI  II.  322-343 ;  ReussGAT  591-607 ;  PiepHPI 
706-719. 


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